Bolsonaro’s government has made good on its promise to destroy decades of national environmental policy. O Ministry of the Environment (MMA) stopped developing public policy and became an active participant in the dismantling of the environment. The National Agency for Water and Sanitation (ANA) and the Brazilian Forest Service (SFB) were transferred to other ministries.

Brazilian Institute for the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Ibama) and the Institute for the Conservation of Biodiversity. Chico Mendez (ICMBio) were largely delegitimized based on the President’s own narrative, and their activities were boycotted and the appointment of managers agreed to the liquidation of the project.

This project also entailed an unjustified stop in the use of available resources, as happened with more than 3 billion reais. Amazon Foundation which have been frozen since January 2019^[1]in addition to the disappearance of plans and programs such as the Plan of Action to Prevent and Combat Deforestation in the Legal Amazon (PPCDAm)^[2]which reduced deforestation in the region by 83% between 2004 and 2012.

Addition dismantling policy^[3]came hundreds of “boyads” under the command of ex-minister Ricardo Sallesregulatory derogations mostly at the intra-legal level, with a focus on relaxing timber export regulations, which have been challenged in the Federal Supreme Court (STF), and changes in the environmental sanctions process^[4] in favor of offenders. The herds also led to a blow to the Paris Agreement, with the “climate pedal” carried out by the current management, which allowed Brazil to increase emissions.^[5] from accounting tricks.

It was a successful project with tragic consequences, such as the highest rate of deforestation in the Amazon in 15 years, the devastation of a third of the Pantanal, the explosion of illegal mining and the encroachment on indigenous lands and conservation units, accompanied by escalating social conflicts.^[6].

The reconstruction work that needs to be done in this area of ​​public policy is complex and enormous. But we can and should take advantage of this moment not only to resume the important policies that were in place before the Bolsonaro government, but also to move forward.

Among the world’s largest economies, Brazil could become the first country to achieve status carbon negative, absorbing more carbon than it emits and becoming an environmental hub. Even though we are the fifth largest emitter of greenhouse gases on the planet, we have an emission structure that gives us a privileged position to work in this area.^[7].

Nearly half of our emissions come from what technical experts call land-use change, mostly deforestation.^[8]🇧🇷 Obviously fighting deforestation is not an easy task, but we have previous experiences that inspire us, such as the aforementioned PPCDAm buried in 2019.

The Brazil of 2022 is not the same as it was two decades ago, but we know that the fight against deforestation requires the joint action of several ministries, with increased command and control, accompanied by the promotion of sustainable production activities and the proper designation of public areas. . The resumption of PPCDAm and its equivalent in other biomes, especially the Cerrado Deforestation and Burning Prevention and Control Action Plan (PPCerrado), should be guided by this perspective.

Funding will be required. The budgetary resources historically allocated to MMA and its autarchies are scarce. The deterioration in this sense was in Bolsonaro’s government.^[9]🇧🇷 In this context, the reopening of the Amazon Fund is one of the first steps to be taken. The upward trend in international donations to Brazil, which was evident in the reception of the President-elect at KS27, in Egypt. Out of a pariah over the past four years, Brazil could once again take the lead in international negotiations.

One of the problems is the position of the new National Congress towards projects that represent serious failures, in the so-called “Destruction Package”.^[10]🇧🇷 Some of these proposals can still be voted on in 2022, if it depends on the members of the Agricultural Parliamentary Front.

This list includes the upcoming Poisons Act, a new pesticide law that, among other serious issues, removes the ban on the registration of carcinogenic or hormone-disrupting products; a version of the General Law on Licensing, which removes the requirement for a license for a large number of businesses and gives priority to self-licensing, as well as disrespect for the rights of indigenous peoples and other traditional peoples and communities; the “Occupation Act”, which aims to help the big land grabbers with more flexible rules; an executive project that intends to make mining possible on indigenous lands, and a proposal to reinforce the absurd time frame thesis. Recently, the Kill Package list has been expanded to include, among other topics, the destruction of the Atlantic Forest Conservation Regulations and the legalization of hunting in the country.

All the efforts of environmentalists are aimed at preventing a vote on these proposals in 2022. Under the new government, the executive’s political weight is expected to help block these projects.

The moment calls for hope and cooperation to meet the challenge of restructuring environmental policy without neglecting to systematically monitor the fulfillment of campaign promises. After all, how President-elect said at COP27, “climate security of the world is impossible without a protected Amazon.” The fight against climate change will have “the highest status” in the structure of the next government, he said, and “those responsible for any illegal activity, whether it be exploration, mining, logging or improper farming” will be punished. Let’s charge.

^[1] See Direct Action on Unconstitutionality by Omission (ADO) No. 59 reported by Judge Rosa Weber.

^[2] See Arguição de Breach of Fundamental Precept (ADPF) No. 760 reported by Minister Carmen Lucía.

^[3] See Michael W. Bauer and others, The dismantling of public policy. Preferences, strategies and effects. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.

^[4] See ADPF No. 755 reported by Minister Luis Fuchs.

^[5] Version: https://www.oc.eco.br/jovens-processam-Governo-por-pedalada-climatica/ e https://www.oc.eco.br/governo-perde-na-justica-argumento-sobre-pedalada-climatica/🇧🇷 Retrieved: 22 Nov. 2022.

^[6] Version: https://www.oc.eco.br/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/A-conta-chegou-HD.pdf🇧🇷 Retrieved: 22 Nov. 2022.

^[7] Version: https://www.oc.eco.br/brasil-2045-construindo-uma-potencia-ambiental-vol-1/🇧🇷 Retrieved: 22 Nov. 2022.

^[8] Version: http://www.obt.inpe.br/OBT/assuntos/programas/amazonia/prodes🇧🇷 Retrieved: 22 Nov. 2022.

^[9] Version: https://www.oc.eco.br/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/A-conta-chegou-HD.pdf🇧🇷 Retrieved: 22 Nov. 2022.

^[10] Version: https://www.oc.eco.br/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Combo-da-morte.pdf🇧🇷 Retrieved: 22 Nov. 2022.

Sulie Araujo – urbanist and lawyer, PhD in Political Science, Professor at the Brazilian Institute of Education, Development and Research (IDP), Senior Public Policy Specialist at the Climate Observatory, former President of Ibama