The profile of right-wing parties has changed over the years, and opening fronts of dialogue with politicians from this group, elected in the 2022 elections, will be one of the main tasks for the leaders who will command Brazil and States, especially Espirito Santo, as of 2023.

The analysis was carried out by political scientists Jairo Nicolau and Joao Gualberto and GloboNews journalist Natuzza Neri as part of the panel “What to expect from the new composition of forces in Brazil and in the States”, during the event Newspaper Network Pedra Azul Summit 2022, this Friday (18).

Nicolau, a professor at the Getúlio Vargas (FGV) Foundation and an expert on electoral systems, noted that, even without knowing how to clearly define what it means to be right, many people define themselves in this way in Brazil Currently. For him, this shows that Brazil changed because until a few years ago people preferred to call themselves from the center.

The professor adds to this the numbers collected by the right in the elections, which go beyond the 58 million votes for the incumbent. Jair Bolsonaro (PL) in the second round. For him, the result of the first round “became a mega victory for the right” and is presented by ” National Congress even more conservative,” Natuzza stressed.

According to Nikolaou, the group elected by the right National Congress in the first round of the 2022 elections, it is 36% of the total, if we take into account only the right-wing Bolesonaros – PP, LP and Republicans. Another 24% of those elected by right-wing parties are considered more traditional.

On the contrary, those who are elected by the PT and the allied parties of the elected president, Luis Inacio Lula da Silva (Portugal), will hold 24% of seats in Congress from 2023.

“There was an inflection on the right in Brazil🇧🇷 There is a lot of uncertainty (about the future) and the challenge is to look to the right Brazilbarn. And think Brazil you should think about Brazil key to the conservatism of various shades that dominates Congress and will have a very different relationship (with the government) than the old right, this collaborative, good-natured square that still has some with that vision,” summed up the professor from FGV.

Natuzza also emphasized that the next governments will have to face another problem, not related to polarization, which has always existed in elections. BrazilAyras, but because of the “heavy radicalization” that occurred after the 2018 elections, which led to the fact that family members stopped talking and people stopped making friends. “The hate component is very much on the agenda politicsbut also on the personal and family agenda,” he added.

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Analyzing the post-election scenario, Joao Gualberto also agreed with other participants in the discussion and emphasized that the new fact is that in Brazil who have an identity, define themselves as right-wing and vote right-wing, proudly say they belong to the conservative right.

According to him, some of the milestones that unite this right are that it does not believe in research, in electronic ballot boxes, and in the Federal Supreme Court (STF), and also has heteronormative protection for the family, among other things.

Regarding the specific scenario of Espírito Santo, the political scientist emphasized that the state is conservative and Bolsonarist, elected some representatives with emphatic votes to National Congress and for the Legislative Assembly mainly because they are Bolsonaro’s allies, because they defend Bolsonaro’s ideologies.

As an example, he cited three PL-elected: Senator-elect Magno Malta, Federal MP-elect Gilvan da Federala, and State MP-elect Captain Assumsao.

On the other hand, Espírito Santo has a peculiar situation in relation to the state government, since the dispute has reached the second round, caused by the power of the right-wing Bolesonaros, but the governor Renato Casagrande (PSB) was re-elected despite running against Bolsonaro candidate Carlos Manato (PL).

The political scientist attributed Casagrande’s victory to the strategy of drawing up a right-left list – he was supported by 11 parties, from the PT to the PP – and in the second round his allies asked for votes for him. and Bolsonaro. At the same time he became known as Vote for CasaNaro.

While guaranteeing his victory, this alliance could also be a problem for Casagrande in his third term at the helm of Palacio Anchieta, according to Joao Gualberto, as the next term will have a different structure from the previous two terms.

This is because, in addition to electing representatives of Bolsonaris with a broad vote, the voters of Espírito Santo also gave the largest number of votes to the PT Chamber of Deputies, Hélder Salomao, and placed among the most voted in the Legislative Assembly the former mayor of Vitoria, João Coser. (PT) and City Council member Camila Valadao (Psol).

This new government, the political scientist concludes, “has a little more interest from the conservative right than previous ones, but it also goes with the interests of the governor’s traditional alliances.” Lulawith the right winning the polls in 2022.

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