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Rodrigo multiplies the transfer of political funds to the allies – 25.09.2022 – Poder

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Rodrigo multiplies the transfer of political funds to the allies - 25.09.2022 - Poder

São Paulo governor since April and candidate for re-election, Rodrigo Garcia (PSDB), has maintained the practice of his predecessor João Doria (PSDB), of whom he was deputy governor, to multiply transfers of political funds to serve parliamentarians.

From January this year to the end of July, according to data obtained through the Law on Access to Information (LAI), the administration of Rodrigo e Doria allocated 1.28 billion reais to deputies in the form of resources to supplement its political base with benefits such as jobs and expenses.with health.

Like last year, even federal deputies were noticed in an unusual action.

BUT Sheet revealed that Doria had authorized BRL 1.05 billion (BRL 1.17 billion as adjusted) for parliamentarians for the same period in 2021. In 2020, the amount transferred was BRL 182.9 million (BRL 213.7 million as amended).

There has been a leap promoted by Doria and Rodrigo in pivotal years, from the Toucan primary in 2021 and the election in 2022.

Among the 14 parties under consideration, 9 make up Rodrigo’s coalition. The first six positions in the budget rating are occupied by the legends of this allied group.

The Tucana campaign hopes that, with the support of the public machine, the actions of mayors and deputies of the interior will contribute to a turn that will take Rodrigo to the second round in this last stretch.

The governor scored 19% in the latest Datafolha poll, behind Fernando Haddad (Portugal) with 34% and Tarcisio de Freitas (Republicans) with 23%.

The transfer of this amount, called a parliamentary demand, follows the logic of additional or voluntary amendments. That is, payment is optional and occurs at the discretion of the Tukan government, which ultimately benefits the allied base.

Impositional amendments are mandatory and are distributed equally among the 94 state deputies. The cost, however, is well below the budget allocated to the Allies. This year, each deputy is entitled to about 6.6 million reais (about 620 million reais in total).

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The TCE (State Audit Court) in its analysis of public accounts for 2021 cited evidence of a political distribution of values, as well as a lack of control and transparency regarding transfers.

Toucan opponents see the use of public funds as an electoral trump card to win the support of mayors, deputies and parties, which could lead to suspicions of abuse of power or administrative offenses, lawyers say. However, the introduction of additional amendments is common and legal in the system of public administration.

Last week, Rodrigo’s campaign began distributing a newspaper listing the government’s accomplishments in each city.

State MP Carlos Giannasi (PSOL) has already proposed a CPI on the issue, but has not received the required signatures from peers. “They’re replicating the same practices that Bolsonaro did,” he says of the speaker’s amendments supporting congressional support for the chief executive.

“This is an open way of co-opting deputies. So the government can take such unpopular measures. And it works very well because the mayors depend on the amendments,” he says.

Also, according to Giannatsi, what he calls clientelism creates unequal competition in elections between grassroots MPs, who have more storefronts, and opposition MPs. PSOL, for example, did not receive additional money.

The government stated that the service to parliamentarians is legal and that the requests are subject to technical analysis. The press service said that the appeals are about claims sent for processing, and that “this does not mean that all of them were actually paid.”

Parliamentary demands have been filed in 639 of the state’s 645 municipalities. In the elections, Rodrigo enjoys the support of the majority of mayors – according to the campaign, 511 mayors and more than 2,000 councilors attended a rally in the capital on Monday (19).

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“Get up a little earlier and stay up a little later to ask for votes,” the governor urged while speaking at the event. “I need every one of you in your city,” he said. Rodrigo also stated that he would be able to find out who was on his side.

The resource was used by 59 state deputies and 24 federal deputies, including the chairmen of the parties (Podemos, Solidariada and MDB) that are members of the Tukano coalition. Federal MP Guilherme Moussi (PP-SP) received the most funds with 74.9 million reais. He did not respond to the report.

Even Rodrigo’s allies claim that there was an attempt to attract the PP. The party supports Jair Bolsonaro (PL) at the national level, but in São Paulo, instead of supporting Tarcisio, it has merged with the PSDB.

Among the state winners was Leo Oliveira (MDB) with 49.5 million reais. The MP says that he uses technical and transparent criteria to determine the amendments. “The indication of these resources was mainly for public health, […] affecting the efficiency of public service delivery”.

Haddad’s campaign coordinator, State MP Emidio de Souza (PT) donated 2.5 million reais, the same amount as other members of the PT. In total, PT received 28.6 million reais.

Emidio told Sheet that the MP’s task is to deliver resources to the cities, and that he indicated amendments to “requirements that the government did not prioritize”. “Fortunately, some of them have been taken into account, and who benefits from this is the population,” he says.

Abbreviations for the PT and Tarcísio coalition, such as Republicans (30 million reais) and PSD (25 million reais), are at the bottom of the rankings. At the top are PSDB (292.6 million reais) and União Brasil (215 million reais).

Rodrigo’s deputy, federal deputy Geninho Zuliani (União-SP), released 19.1 million reais. He also did not respond to the message.

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The cost of each demand varies from 15,000 to 20 million reais – two additional amendments to this amount were intended for federal deputy Renata Abreu (Podemos-SP). Renata’s adviser states that Podemos was already at the heart of the government before and that if she had “a prominent position in obtaining resources, this is synonymous with the effectiveness of the mandate.”

The details of parliamentary demands are not published by the government on the transparency portal. After being requested through LAI, management sent thousands of PDFs corresponding to each request – there is no systematization and public transparency regarding these data.

Last year, the data was published after only seven requests through the LAI and physically delivered. More than 5,000 sheets of paper had to be photographed for the reportage.

The transfer is legal, the joint venture government believes

The government stated that “legitimate assistance to elected parliamentarians” was not irregular and that “the newspaper reproduces the speech of the PT candidate”. “In his opinion, the government should stop serving the municipalities and paralyze payments that support medical services until the electoral process is completed.”

The government also says it evaluates demand proposals made by citizens, organizations or through representatives and mayors. “All requests are subject to technical analysis by the secretariats, which assess the possibility of service. The criterion is the public interest. The process is transparent,” he says.

The note also said that, as PT and the Republicans suggested, “it is not true that non-base parties are not served.” “It is impossible to make any comparison with 2020, an atypical and especially relevant year,” he concludes, referring to the pandemic.

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US has been preparing Ukraine for clash with Russia since 2014 – German politician

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www.brasil247.com - Ucrânia e EUA têm intensas relações militares que afetam a Rússia

“The US is selling its dirty shale gas while the US defense industry is booming,” said Oscar Lafontaine.




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The Evangelical Church has lost the most in the elections – 11/27/2022 – Opinion

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The Evangelical Church has lost the most in the elections - 11/27/2022 - Opinion

When I attended a meeting at my church to welcome new members, I heard the same story from many: They were there because it was an environment free of partisan politics. I remembered my own experience: I also accepted this criterion when I came from Recife and chose my church in São Paulo.

BUT Majority of evangelicals favor re-election of Jair Bolsonaro (PL) nothing new. All studies have shown this trend, and my experience confirms this. I don’t see a problem in the fact that the majority prefers this or that candidate, whoever he is. But it worries me political use of churches and, mostly, moments of worship to coerce the congregation into supporting the candidate.

For us, evangelists, worship is the time of the week for worshiping God, hearing the gospel, and fellowshipping with fellow believers. Before and during the campaign we saw the president and first lady use the pulpit to collect votes in the middle of the service🇧🇷 This attitude in itself should already be condemned and rejected by the evangelists themselves: the worship and authority of churches should not be used for electoral purposes.

This principle is not new even in the evangelical milieu. “When the evangelical church, as a church, makes a choice in favor of a candidate, it ceases to be a church. The Lord of the church is Jesus and he does not have voter registration in Brazil. We evangelists have the right to support, but to say that the Assembly of God supports “A” or “B” is to reduce the church to any institution, ”explained Silas Malafayain a 2002 video when he declared his support for the then-candidate Luis Inacio Lula da Silva (PT). Twenty years later, Malafaya, like other pastors, used his pulpit and Bible passages to support Bolsonaro.

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Gradually the leaders and members of the various evangelical congregations began attitude to the vow as a confirmation of one’s faith in Christ🇧🇷 This association, in turn, leads to people patrolling and controlling other people’s votes, ridiculing or even excluding those who “vote wrong”. Communities that are supposed to welcome and unite completely different people under one faith have become a toxic environment.

The implications of this process go beyond spiritual matters. This indiscriminate and uncritical support from religious organizations and their leaders makes it difficult for evangelicals to participate in discussions of ideas and public policy. After all, they are stamped out as part of a political project (which doesn’t necessarily represent them in reality). The quality of public debate suffers and society becomes more polarized.

Evangelical leaders need to ask themselves how many members stopped attending services or even withdrew from their communities due to political discussions? Is this the example we want to set for the rest of society?

It is important to emphasize that the criticism of the political use of the cult and forced voting should not be confused with the position on the participation of evangelicals in politics. Every Brazilian has a trajectory, values, emotions and ways of thinking that make them support a candidate or an ideology.

No one should be excluded from public debate just because their values ​​were forged in a religious community. It is this logic that has inspired some Protestants to contribute to strengthening the state’s secular heritage so that they can freely practice their faith.

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However, when political forces take over the space devoted to the profession of faith, believers, the exercise of individual freedoms and, consequently, the reputation of society is damaged. That is, even if the evangelical majority candidate won, the church would still be one of the biggest losers in the election. To overcome defeat, evangelical leaders will have to return to engaging in public debate based on Christian values ​​and abandon the false messiah’s power project.

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Articles published by subscription do not reflect the opinion of the newspaper. Its publication aims to stimulate the discussion of Brazilian and world issues and reflect the diverse trends of contemporary thought.

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Was the massacre of Aracruz politically and ideologically motivated?

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Was the massacre of Aracruz politically and ideologically motivated?

Aloisio Morais Martins

If the information about the teacher is confirmed Flavia Amos Merson Leonardo, 38 was the first to be hit by shots fired by a 16-year-old boy at the Primo Bitti public school in Praia do Coqueiral, in the municipality of Aracruz, north of Espirito Santo, this may be an indication that the massacre was plotted for two years may have political motivation – ideological. The killer killed three teachers, a 12-year-old schoolboy and left 12 injured, five of them are still hospitalized in serious condition.

First, it would be good to define the context of the crime that the so-called “mainstream press” covered up: the massacre took place in a condominium created by the Aracruz Celulose company decades ago when it was implanted in the city. which eventually took on its name. It enjoys a privileged location, close to Praia do Coqueiral and 22 kilometers from the nerve center of the inland city of Aracruz. The condominium, intended for high-ranking employees of the company, has grown and today has become a residence for families of upper and middle class, and not just for employees of the company.

The minor who wore Nazi symbols during the crimes is the son of a military police lieutenant, Bolsonarist, who has already posted about Mincha Luta’s book written by the genocidal Adolf Hitler. “The book sucks. I read it and hated it,” he said. But a military man is, first of all, a person of the right wing. On social media, the boy looks dapper next to his father at a demonstration by Bolsonaro supporters. By the way, in the same hat as during the massacre.

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On the other hand, Professor Flavia Amos Mercan Leonardo was known to be clearly a leftist. He had a postgraduate degree in social sciences from the Federal University of Espírito Santo, a PhD in anthropology from the Federal University of Minas Gerais and was an active participant in the Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), which played an important role in ES after the collapse of the Vale dam in Mariana, Massachusetts, when the waters of the Rio Doche were stained with mud from mining to estuary on the coast of Espirito Santo five years ago. Flavia has dedicated her academic career to teaching fishermen and ES natives. Why was the teacher chosen as the killer’s first target? Just a coincidence, or did the student have an ideological dislike for Flavia? According to the researchers.

It is worth noting that the killer boy shows good signs that he learned a lot from his father, definitely his idol. Even though he was a minor, the videos show that he learned to drive a vehicle very well, even at high speeds. In addition to his resourcefulness, the video shows very clearly how well he handles the weapons that he carried with him. And he shoots well. Who did you learn from? In his first confessions, released by the police, he says he acted alone and learned to shoot behind his father’s back. Can you believe? Maybe he’s trying to save face in front of his father? The police will have to make progress in investigating these aspects. Either way, this massacre promises intriguing chapters in these days of weapon deification (which we hope are drawing to a close). Let’s see!

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And by the way, it doesn’t hurt to ask: does the killer’s father, like most Bolesonars, advocate coming of age at 16? Maybe for him “a good bandit is a dead bandit?”. Pepper is very good in the eyes of others, isn’t it?

Against the background of the tragedy, we have today in Espírito Santo a clear right-wing predominance in a state where Bolsonaro, for example, received 58.04% of the vote against 41.06% for Lulu in the second round of elections. . Those who were there, like me, on the eve of the elections, felt it very clearly in the streets and avenues, where big cars and double-cab pickups dominated the environment with their bold Bolsonaro advertising. The dominance is such that the elected president cannot hold rallies in the state due to the lack of a tribune. Re-elected governor Renato Casagrande of the PSB chose to light a candle to God and another to the devil, drawing the votes of the lulistas and bolsonarists by refusing to pose next to the petista.

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