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From the “executive department” to the main political hero, the Assembly has achieved unprecedented results in the current legislature.

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From the "executive department" to the main political hero, the Assembly has achieved unprecedented results in the current legislature.

Catering Monitoring Consulting

Since the Legislative Assembly had a larger base of parliamentarians, there have been periods in the last few decades when the governors of the states have exercised great influence over the Parliament of Minas Gerais. The contractor’s projects were approved almost always without any restrictions. Because of this connection between the two powers, civil servants and even deputies used to wittily refer to the Assembly as a simple “department of the executive.”

Something unprecedented happened in the current legislature: unlike what had happened in previous governments, the president of the Minas Gerais State Assembly was not connected to the governor. And a good part of the parties, once allies of the governors, do not support the current government. Among them are PP, PTB, Tsidadaniya (former PPP) and MDB.

This happened to some extent due to the position of the new governor. Elected with a speech that largely echoed here in the state the same platform that Jair Bolsonaro took during the 2018 election campaign, Romeu Zema declared during the campaign that there would no longer be political “conchavos” in his government. .

At that time, segments of the right, characterized by anti-political discourse, viewed as “conchavos” alliances or agreements made between politicians and parties. These methods are supposed to be forms of corruption. Following this logic, the then candidate Zema introduced himself as a successful business administrator and promised to objectively and technically manage the state. Then there would be no need for negotiations, which were considered a typical practice of the “old policy”.

A government was installed that was not flexible and showed little readiness for dialogue. However, in the first few months of his reign, Zema’s rule was already under threat. There were only three deputies in his Novo party at that time. It would be very difficult to govern with such a disproportion of power, with only three allies in the universe of the 77 deputies that make up the Legislative Assembly. Supporters were deputies from the same party as the governor: Barto (today in the PL), Guilherme da Cunha and Laura Serrano.

While Zema was reluctant to join the parliamentarians, four blocs were formed in the Assembly for the first time. Prior to that, the formation of a maximum of three blocs was common: the opposition, the “neutrals” (as they called themselves) and the pro-government ones. As of 2019, by contrast, two “neutral” blocs (instead of one) have been formed in addition to the opposition and government blocs.

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Each of the “neutrals” was led by MDB and PSD. In total, both political groups started the legislature with 40 of the 77 seats in parliament. Therefore, any governmental movement depended, first of all, on articulation with two groups of deputies. In cases where the opposition, due to a coincidence of interests, joined these groups claiming independence, the government had no chance of approving their projects.

To have a minimum of controllability, Zema mainly turned to PSDB. Thanks to its rich experience and political skill, this party managed to attract other abbreviations to the ruling base. Thus, in the first half of 2019, 21 parliamentarians were on the side of the governor. The PT-led opposition had 16 members. Thus, it was a minority bloc.

During 2019, the alliance with the PSDB became closer. For most of Zema’s term, this party was important to the government. It is worth recalling that Zema won the election in the second round against the PSDB candidate (former Governor Antonio Anastasia, now in TCU). Thus, it was not a very common case that a party that was defeated in an election then assumed a central role in the conduct of an elected government.

In the first half of 2019, Custódio Mattos (PSDB) took over the management of the Secretariat of the Government, the body responsible for the dialogue between the Assembly and the executive branch. Luisa Barreto (PSDB) also became Deputy Minister of Planning. Today she leads the portfolio.

Even though he managed to make a base, Zema still tried to maintain his position of not practicing “konchavos”. This means, at least apparently, that efforts to create a parliamentary base will not be made, since many other agreements were concluded in the process of forming the government. Without commitment or identification with the executive branch, parliamentarians inflicted severe defeats on the governor, whose projects to correct the state machine were generally unpopular and in many cases meant the demise of politics or public services. The single most effective government project approved in 2019 was the administrative reform, which reorganized the structure of government.

This situation of political weakness on the part of the executive branch is not common in recent history, except in very specific cases. The Assembly began to set the tone for politics in Minas. In addition to approving the mining project, the Parliament also held discussions on the public debt of Minas and the loss of revenue resulting from the Kandir law. He also increased his power over public accounts by including in the state constitution the government’s obligation to amend the budget for parliamentarians and blocs.

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In addition, the Assembly attempted to further increase government oversight when it introduced secretaries of state accountability every four months in 2019.

Also in 2019, a draft was sent to the parliament, which the government considers the most important for the state. We are talking about joining the Tax Collection Regime (RRF) established by Supplementary Law No. 159 of 2017. It is assumed that the purpose of the RRF is to provide financial assistance to the state. In short, this is a temporary suspension of Minas’ debt collection to the federal government. On the other hand, the state must take a number of unpopular measures, including the sale of companies such as Cemig and Copasa, as well as a long-term ban on wage increases.

Joining the RFF has been put on hold until today in the Assembly and is facing significant voting difficulties even in this legislature.

In 2020, due to the pandemic, the government abandoned the protection of the SBR. Efforts have been focused on other fronts, especially health. In connection with the moment of the natural disaster, many government directives were approved. However, those not directly related to the pandemic, such as destination and resource checks stemming from the agreement with Vale, have been blocked or changed.

With the beginning of the slowdown of the pandemic, at the end of 2021, the government resumed the defense of the RRF. However, his weak political articulation prevented him from moving forward. Then the governor requested urgently in working out the tax regime. This regimental instrument prevents other projects from being considered in plenary until the urgent matter is assessed. However, the Assembly ignored the request and did not decide to place this project on an emergency basis.

In this regard, the Governor sued the Legislative Assembly, claiming that the Parliament violated the Minas Gerais State Constitution by failing to comply with its demands. The President of the Legislative Assembly, Agostinho Patrus (PSD), then responded to a request and explained the urgency of joining the RRF. In view of this, the governor withdrew from the trial.

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Another confusion was caused by the executive branch, announcing a 37% increase in the salaries of security personnel in 2019. Zema was criticized even outside the state for this decision, which was considered reckless. There was a conflict that only recently found a solution, in 2022. After tense negotiations, the government achieved a 10.06% readjustment.

The State Parliament realized that this setting could not apply only to security servers. The Governor then again turned to justice to try to withhold the additional pay raise granted by the Assembly. In addition to the expansion of the groups that will receive the increase, the percentages proposed by the Assembly have reached 40%. This conflict ended only when the Federal Supreme Court granted Zema’s request and prevented the application of higher rates set by MPs.

During this period of litigation, the chief executive lost more support in parliament. Zema’s base has been reduced from 21 in 2019 to 16 this year. And to top it all off, it disbanded in April 2021. This is because with the departure of MP Neliando Pimenta (PSB), it was reduced to 15 parliamentarians. For it to exist as a bloc, an Assembly Regiment requires that it be composed of at least 16 members.

However, in early July, the ruling bench was reorganized. This is because União Brasil decided to join Zema. Thus, today there are 16 parliamentarians again on the side of the governor.

Now the “neutral” blocs have recently merged into a single bloc of 36 parliamentarians. It is still the largest political group in the Assembly. Since the beginning of the work of the legislative body, the opposition has received 7 deputies. Today it has 23 parliamentarians. At least since the redemocratization of the country, the opposition has never had such a large number of members. And for the first time, pro-government members are in the minority in the Legislative Assembly of Minas Gerais.

In the Contextus Bulletin, Nesp’s Public Powers Monitoring Advisory Board deepens its analysis of the Assembly’s situation in this legislature. The approach focuses on projects approved by MPs, as well as the transfer of resources promoted by them.

Letter: Marcelo Gomes – 09.08.2022
Source: ALMG/Daniel Protzner.

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Politics

Solidarity with Ukraine is overshadowed by the political and economic agenda of the powers

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Research Shows Inflation and Political Scenario Influences Real Estate Purchases

SAO PAULO, SP (FOLHAPRESS) — Since Russia invaded Ukraine, sparking a proxy conflict between Moscow and Washington/European Allies, governments and multilateral organizations have mobilized to respond to one of Europe’s biggest humanitarian emergencies with times of World War II.

By the end of September, according to the UN, more than 13 million Ukrainians had crossed the border to escape the war, of which 7.5 million had taken refuge in European countries.

However, the official narrative of solidarity and benevolent participation hardly obscures traditional political and economic interests in this type of transnational response to clashes that affect many civilians. A reminder from Luisa Mateo, professor of international relations at PUC-SP (Pontifical Catholic University).

It is clear that initiatives such as the EU-approved device allowing Ukrainian refugees to stay in the bloc’s 27 countries for up to three years, with access to education, work and social security (and without the need for a visa) are important. Or British Homes for Ukraine, a similar program but which makes the issuance of a visa a prerequisite for the entry of citizens displaced by the war.

Or the roughly $8 billion (41 billion reais) already donated by USAID, the North American Agency for International Development, to support basic services (notably hospitals, schools, access to electricity, food, and housing). 3 billion dollars (15 billion reais) in August alone.

But these transfers pale in comparison to the contribution of Washington and Brussels to strengthening the response of the Ukrainian military to Russian attacks. The United States alone has pledged to send more than $13.5 billion (73 billion reais) in arms and ammunition since February this year. At least 19 military aid packages have been received in the past 12 months.

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“This help [com armas e munições] it fuels the conflict,” says Mateo. “Humanitarian aid ends up as a simple response to public opinion to try to balance the participation of these countries in the war machine.”

Another knot in humanitarian aid, according to the professor, is the distance between the amounts promised by the powers that fund the main UN agencies and what is actually allocated.

“Many countries end up opting for a two-way route [de governo para governo, sem a intermediação de órgãos multilaterais]. This allows, for example, tighter control over the allocation of resources and the involvement of carefully selected private partners, consolidating the aid industry machine,” notes Mateo.

According to the researcher, the donation tap should remain open while the conflict is active, since the theater of war, it is worth remembering, takes place in the backyard of the European Union, and not in some remote latitudes. But the context of the global economic crisis should become an element of pressure on the remittances of new billionaires.

Meanwhile, the Ukrainian government announced in July that rebuilding the country would cost 750 billion euros. Even if this budget is inflated, it will indeed take several more rounds of packages (in the form of grants, low-interest loans and foreign debt freezes, among other things) to lift the Black Sea country out of the swamp.

Brazil Offers Humble Help Brazilian aid to Ukraine received its main chapter at the start of the conflict, in March of this year. The FAB plane delivered more than 11 tons of food, medicines and water purifiers to Poland, from where the shipments were sent to the border region with a neighboring country.

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The shipment was donated by a fast food company. But the main task of the aircraft, in fact, was to return the Brazilians displaced by the war.

Since then, the world’s fourth-largest colony of Ukrainians (after Russia, the US and Canada) has had a limited response to the humanitarian emergency. It is estimated that there are about 500,000 descendants of Ukrainians in Brazil, most of them in Paraná.

The Ukrainian-Brazilian central office, for example, collected about 600,000 reais from folklore shows and coffee producers exporting to the European country, which were donated to the Ukrainian embassy in Brasilia.

According to the president of the organization, lawyer Vitorio Sorotyuk, an agreement was also made with the Paraná government foundation for the arrival of 16 teachers from the troubled country (from fields such as biological sciences, history and pedagogy).

The agreement between the largest children’s hospital in Kyiv and the Latin American hospital Pequeno Príncipe based in Curitiba is also part of the mission’s working group. The idea is to promote the exchange of doctors and the education of pediatric nurses.

There is no summary data on the arrival of Ukrainian refugees in Brazil.

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Brazil: Lula voted his political birth and kissed the ballot – Atualidade

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Brazil: Lula voted his political birth and kissed the ballot - Atualidade

The leader in voting intent polls, Lula da Silva, was accompanied by his vice presidential candidate Geraldo Alkmin, his wife, pollster Rosangela da Silva, PT president Glasey Hoffmann, and PT’s São Paulo government candidate Fernando. Haddad.

After the vote, the candidate from the Workers’ Party (PT) kissed the ballot and left the room.

With “odds” of winning the first round, Lula da Silva has between 50% and 51% of voting intentions, according to polls released on Saturday by DataFolha and Ipec respectively, followed by Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro with 36 votes. , % and 37% of voting intentions, Siro Gomes (5% and 5%, in both polls) and Simona Tebet (6% and 5%).

Unlike previous elections, all polling stations opened at 08:00 in Brasilia (12:00 in Lisbon), in a peculiar subordination of all polling stations to the time zone of the Brazilian capital.

More than 156 million voters will be able to vote until 17:00 in Brasilia (21:00 in Lisbon) using 577,125 electronic voting machines located in 5,570 cities across the country.

In addition to Lula da Silva and Bolsonaro, candidates in the Brazilian presidential elections are Ciro Gomes, Simone Tebet, Luis Felipe D’Avila, Soraya Tronicke, Eimael, father Kelmon, Leonardo Pericles, Sofia Manzano and Vera Lucia.

If no presidential candidate receives more than 50% of the valid votes, the top two voters will face each other again in a second round on 30 October.

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Elections are taking place in an unprecedented atmosphere of fear and political violence – 01.10.2022 – Poder

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Elections are taking place in an unprecedented atmosphere of fear and political violence - 01.10.2022 - Poder

Brazilians go to the polls this Sunday (2) in an unprecedented atmosphere of fear and violence in a presidential election. From assassinations of voters to threats to candidates, the controversy has replicated a pattern previously seen in municipal elections and signaled that political polarization had reached a new level.

“We have never reached such elections. In general, you see more violence in municipal elections, candidates for councilors. Beyond the violence against candidates, what’s new is this wave of gratuitous violence and intolerance of dissent,” says the CEO. from the Sous da Paz Institute, Carolina Ricardo.

Even before the official start of the campaign, cases of aggression were already accumulating. In July, a Bolsonarist police officer broke into a birthday party and shot and killed a PT gunman in Foz do Iguacu (PN).

That same month, a walk with Marcelo Freixo (PSB), a candidate for the RJ government, was abandoned after armed supporters of Bolsonarist state deputy Rodrigo Amorim (PTB) issued threats.

Fear of violence prompted the Federal Police to create the largest security scheme in history to protect presidential candidates. Lula’s campaign has even canceled travel, revised the structure of rallies and outlined a plan to prevent supporters from voting for fear of aggression.

“There were cases in Foz do Iguacu, Mato Grosso, Ceara, Santa Catarina. These are people who have not been at the center of the political debate,” says sociologist David Marquez, project coordinator for the Brazilian Public Security Forum. “People are now afraid to go out in a T-shirt, stick a sticker on a car, put a brooch in a backpack. They are afraid of being threatened or being drawn into conflict.”

In early September, a supporter of President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) admitted to stabbing a colleague in Mato Grosso following a political dispute in which the victim was defending Lula.

In September, a PT supporter in Santa Catarina killed, also stabbed, a man wearing a shirt that mentioned Bolsonaro. Police are investigating if there was a political motivation.

Last Thursday (29) in Brasilia, the car and house of Bolsonaro’s ex-wife, district candidate Ana Cristina Valle (PP-DF) were vandalized. She and her son, Jair Renan Bolsonaro, posted short videos of the incident on social media and offered political motivations for the attack.

A survey conducted by the Brazilian Public Security Forum in partnership with the Political Action Network for Resilience and commissioned by the Datafolha Institute found that 67.5% of respondents fear physical attack because of their political or party choice.

The fears of voters are shared by politicians. About 50 candidates have recently suffered some form of political violence and are in need of assistance or special security measures, according to PSOL — an acronym for adviser Marielle Franco, who was killed in 2018 as a result of an unsolved crime.

Civil society organizations Justiça Global and Terra de Direitos have been monitoring cases of political violence in Brazil since 2016. Justiça Global general coordinator Sandra Carvalho says she fears that fear of violence is intimidating candidates from already minority groups in politics, such as women and blacks, stressing that numbers have begun to point to an upward trend in 2019.

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“Political violence is repeated in the history of the country, but we are already seeing an intensification of the campaign to elect the incumbent president. Since then, there has been an upward trend,” she says. “We are seeing campaigns by some segments that are much more timid for fear of being attacked in any way, a danger to the democratic process, because this can increasingly mean under-representation of certain segments.”

On Thursday (29) at a meeting with international observers, the chairman of the TSE (Supreme Electoral Court) Alexandre de Moraes said that justice will guarantee freedom and security in the elections.

To reduce the risk of violence, the court banned CACs (hunters, shooters and collectors) from carrying guns and ammunition between Saturday (1st) and Monday (3rd) and developed new text to ban mobile phones from entering cabins. .

No wonder we got here this way. In addition to the complete ease of buying weapons, since more than 40 rules have facilitated this access, in recent years, a discourse has flared up about access to weapons, especially presidential weapons, ”says Carolina Ricardo.

The wave of violence also led the TSE to reach an agreement with the CBF (Brazilian Football Confederation). A giant inflatable electronic ballot box with the words “Peace in Elections” was installed on the field for seven games. The motto was shared by the leading football teams in the country.

David Marquez of the Brazilian Public Safety Forum says it is difficult to gauge the impact of the 2022 campaign in the next election. For him, the answer may lie in survey results.

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“In 2018 in Sao Paulo you had [o ex-governador] Joao Doria says the police need to shoot to kill. In Rio de Janeiro [o ex-governador] Wilson Witzel said the police had to shoot him in the head. The public safety agenda was also very important to Bolsonaro. He spoke about the exclusion of lawlessness for police officers and the arming of society, ”says the sociologist.

“In all these cases, it’s about the fact that we need to use violence to make public policy, to control crime. And this, in some aspects, also goes through political relations, to political debate in general. What we will need this Sunday to see if this wave of aggression will be intensified again or if it will be stopped by the general vote.”

According to Carolina Ricardo of the Instituto Sou da Paz, the solution lies with democracy itself. “Institutions are responding. And the way for everyone is to come, vote, elect anyone who thinks they should be elected to show that democracy prevails and is stronger than specific instances of political violence.”

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