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The largest armed group in the country, the CAC field 34 congressional candidates and organize political parties.



The largest armed group in the country, the CAC field 34 congressional candidates and organize political parties.

BRAZIL – CAC (gun collectors, shooters and hunters) work together to form a bench in Congress. There are 34 federal, senator and gubernatorial candidates nominated across the country with names associated with Association Proarmas, the most representative in the class. For state and district legislatures, there are 23 more candidates in the queue. The plans of the country’s largest armed group also include the creation of a political party. For the first time, this group, surpassing the entire military police in terms of membership and arsenal, was organized in the States and in the Planalto Palace to elect representatives.

The official entry of the armed forces into politics is encouraged by the President of the Republic, Jair Bolsonaro (PL). The candidate for re-election received leaders and preliminary candidates of the movement in Planalto for videos and photos expressing support for these allies. The strategy runs counter to what the bulk of the campaign has been complaining about: Bolsonaro’s lack of dialogue with supporters from other segments, such as the business world.

Thanks to government arms policy, the total number of registered CACs jumped from 117,467 in 2018 to 673,818 this year. This number exceeds all 406,000 active military police officers operating throughout the country, and even more than approximately 360,000 people in the Armed Forces.

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The political movement is viewed with dismay by police officers and public safety experts. Unlike the police and Armed Forces, CAC do not have a military hierarchy and have a President and Deputy Eduardo Bolsonaro (PL-SP) his biggest references. Proarmas leader, lawyer Marcos Pollón announced his candidacy for the Chamber of Mato Grosso do Sul days after Jair Bolsonaro received him in Planalto.

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In a video posted by Pollon on July 6, three days before the big CAC demonstration at Esplanada dos Ministérios, Bolsonaro waved once more to the class. “To all of you CACs, a big hug, congratulations on the moment, on this opportunity, on the initiative,” he said. “And congratulations to whom too? Marcos Pollon. Congratulations, Mark.”

The goal of the Proarmas movement is to elect candidates for the Brazilian and state legislatures to make gun laws more flexible. The political action, however, continued for several months under the leadership of Eduardo. As shown by Estadão, the president’s son convened anti-gun activists in the states to pass laws to make it easier for the CAC to carry guns. While they may travel armed, traffic has certain rules and the destination must always be a shooting club. With the right to wear restrictions will ease.

O Stadao identified 27 candidates for the House and Senate of activists and regional politicians who want to form a “CAC bench” in Brasilia. In addition to these, there are nine other politicians with a congressional mandate who officially receive Pro-Armas support in disputes in the Senate and state governments, provided that the arms agenda is considered with absolute priority. There are 23 more candidates for state and district assemblies. All of them are distributed by the parties PL, PMN, Podemos, PP, PRTB, PSC, PTB, PTC and the Republicans who form the Centrão.

The bench that the CAC wants to elect in Congress and in the States is comprised of shooting instructors, club owners, police officers and lawyers.

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The main goal of the group is the complete repeal of Law 10.826/03, disarmament statute. There are other proposals that are at an advanced stage of processing but are still under discussion, such as the project 3723/2019 sent to Bolsonaro. The text regulates the activities of sport shooters, hunters and gun collectors, and also repeals the article of the Statute requiring the sale of ammunition in packages with a tracking code and weapons with a protective and identification mark engraved on the body of the weapon.

The proposal was approved by the Chamber, as amended, in November 2019 and is currently being processed in Senate. On air last week, Pollon cited two alternative Senators’ texts and a third that is “our substitute.” “3723, because of the elections, he is kind of quiet. Obviously, if it’s out of the question, I have to go there and take care of it,” said a Proarmas commander who does not hold public office.

Shooting club in Sao Paulo;  CAC want to elect a bench made up of shooting instructors, club owners, police and lawyers.
Shooting club in Sao Paulo; CAC want to elect a bench made up of shooting instructors, club owners, police and lawyers. A photo: Gabriela Bilo/Stadion – 9/1/1

In the Assemblies, in addition to facilitating postage for CACs, the idea is to increase access by lowering prices. On July 9, during a Pro-Armas rally in Brasília, Eduardo Bolsonaro celebrated in a sound machine the ICMS reduction in arms purchases in Alagoas. “Bicycle target,” he said. “Attention State Deputies, Monday, Mission: Tied Cabo Bebeto (PL-AL) Enter.”

Candidates admitted that the significant rise in the number of CACs under Bolsonaro gave the arms agenda an opportunity to attract votes. The contingent of more than 600 thousand people does not include family members and friends who can also be persuaded to vote for candidates in the segment.

“The momentum is strong. The gun agenda is advocated by hundreds of thousands of people, most of them evangelicals. They chose me because they know my agenda,” councilor Devanir Ferreira (R-ES), who will run for the House seat, said in the report.

Gun shops and shooting clubs are seen by the organizers as important distributors of nominations. These establishments also grew exponentially under Bolsonaro’s government. Today there are 2066 clubs in each state. Some of them have nationalistic inspiration in their names: Patriotas do Brasil, Pátria Armada, Brasil Atividades de Tiro and Armas Brasil.

“We have an integrated network of supporters. We have offices in over 300 municipalities, including shooting clubs, advisors and shops. With the support of Proarmas, we can reach more people. Not only weapons are on the agenda, but also the base,” Samurai Kasador (PRTB-SP) told reporters. Stadao. A councilor from Monte Azul Paulista, he foresees that expanding the agenda will win him a seat in the Assembly for the first time.

To illustrate, the number of shooting clubs in the country is greater than the number of catalogs of two young parties with Chamber representation, Rede and Novo, provided by TSE in 2015. Novo has 29 and Rede has 147, according to the Electoral Court. The number of shooting clubs and associations is almost equal to the number of LP directories. The acronym under which President Jair Bolsonaro will run for Palacio do Planalto includes 2,250 party units, of which 99.2% are temporary.

Although parties do not have more than one directory per city, and clubs do not have this limitation, the comparison shows how fast associations are growing in the country. According to the Army, São Paulo is the city with the most clubs. There are 53 of them. The city is followed by Brasilia and Rio. Both with 32 clubs each.

The organization, chaired by Marcos Pollón, was born in 2020 and is already the most representative in Brazil. Future plans are even more ambitious. “When we reach 1 million (supports), let’s create a political party. “Oh why 1 million?” Because I’m optimistic. I work with a conversion rate of 50%,” he said in an interview in February.

Pollon’s political interest, which was only announced after meeting Bolsonaro at the Palacio do Planalto, contrasts with the action profile of Bene Barbosa, another arms leader who inspired Pollon to create his movement. Barbosa now sells courses on personal and home security, but he was once a major voice in Brazil. He used visibility to invest in his business and did not migrate to representative politics. Asked by Estadao to comment on the CAC’s progress in Brasilia, he chose not to comment.

According to experts, the chances are high that some CAS will be elected. A movement based on “it’s not about guns, it’s about freedom” won a place among the conservative and evangelical electorate. The motto is usually accompanied by “protection of the family” and “Christian values”. The arms agenda relies on Bolsonaro. Vice versa. Candidates use topics such as “voupragueracombolsonaro” on social media.

However, the real strength has yet to be tested in the elections. “Perhaps these people are voting for pro-gun candidates, although polls show that the majority of the Brazilian population does not believe that they will be safe with armed people. But there is funding from shooting clubs, reinforcing the discourse that this means freedom. The group’s organization has increased and the current government is supporting this agenda. There is a strong movement, but we still do not know if it will guarantee votes,” said Carolina Ricardo.

Cac’s x Bancada da Bala

traditional “bullet bench” The Chamber also defends guns, but moves on to topics such as tougher penalties, the typification of new crimes, and the structuring of the police in the states. The agenda presented by the movement’s candidates is generally limited to armaments, support for Bolsonaro and antipetism. She rides Bolsonaris and vice versa. Candidates use expressions such as “voupraguerracombolsonaro” on social media.

“They don’t have a programmatic public safety agenda, it’s not a well-thought-out agenda in the country. It is the arms agenda that is helping Bolsonaro to reduce the number of the left. It is unlikely that, if elected, they will bring profit to the “bullet bench”. Perhaps he will stick to the traditional agenda,” said Carolina Ricardo, executive director of the Instituto Sou da Paz.

PT members are already planning changes to gun access policy in case the former president Luis Inacio Lula da Silva (EN) to be elected in October. deputy Paulo Teixeira (PT-SP) reported Stadao that the historical position of the party “for control (weapons) in accordance with the provisions of the Disarmament Statute.”

The parliamentarian is responsible for planning the issue of public safety in Lula’s government program. “Of course, these measures, which weakened gun control in Brazil, will be lifted. Up to the sale of a rifle to a member of the PKK,” he said.

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Rodrigo Alvarez starts work on the Brazilian political scenario in El Salvador




Journalist and writer Rodrigo Alvarez presented on Thursday evening (18) in El Salvador his new book The Candidate is a Modern Satire. Shortly before the event, which took place at the LDM bookstore, Shopping Bela Vista, Alvarez spoke to bnews and told a little about the process of creating the work.

“The book was born in the last election, in 2018. When the results of the elections became known, I realized that there would be big changes in Brazil, that everything would be completely different, I confess, I was worried about what would happen next. and shortly after that, I came up with the idea of ​​a character that goes back to the military dictatorship, at a time when everything seemed to be going well in Brazil, everything was going very well, and the story began to take shape there, about four years ago, the character, which goes back to 1958 and ended up writing the book that way,” he said.

Alvarez says that the events of recent years have been waiting for the book. “Now recently, at the beginning of the year, at a slightly faster pace than usual, because I wanted to wait for something to happen so that the elections come closer. The book tells the story of a man from Paraiba who goes back in time and begins to live in Brazil, which seemed like a dream. Immediately after that, the book draws a parallel between the Brazil of the 50s and 60s and the Brazil of today. , which is a parallel drawn by humans.”

Blocked by Bolsonaro

Last Wednesday (17) the writer shared with his followers that he was blocked by President Jair Bolsonaro (PL). Asked by our reporter if the book was the reason, Alvarez replied that it was implied.

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“Since I never made any offense to President Bolsonaro, I can only understand that it was because of the book, because the book is very critical of the current government, the main character is very worried about everything that happens, all these attacks. about democracy., then President Bolsonaro, who does not like journalism or journalists (…). He does not like being filmed when he does not want to, he has authoritarianism inside, it seems to me that he does not like literature, especially free literature, all types of art are a means of self-expression, politics, authoritarian leaders do not like freedom of speech, self-expression, I I think that’s why Bolsonaro blocked me on the Internet, because he doesn’t want to know what I write, and he doesn’t want me to see what he writes,” he concluded.

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The guest list for Moraes’ TSE inauguration has political resonance.



published on 18.08.2022 06:00

(Credit: Antonio Augusto/Secom/TSE)

The guest list for the inauguration of Minister Alexandre de Moraes as President of the Supreme Electoral Court (TSE) still resonates in the political arena. More than 2,000 people attended the court ceremony, cheering the magistrate’s speech in defense of the Brazilian electoral process and democracy.

For political scientists, the presence of the political, legal and diplomatic elite at the ceremony was a sign of support for electoral justice, in contrast to the attacks of President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) and his supporters. In his speech, Moraes stressed the credibility of electronic voting machines and said that the result of the election on the same day as the election is “a cause for pride”.

The TSE President also stated that the interference of justice in the elections will be minimal, but will not allow abuse of the right to freedom of speech. However, Bolsonaro, who was present at the ceremony, did not approve of the chorus and remained motionless during the moments of applause.

Through social media yesterday afternoon, the minister once again defended Brazilian democracy. “The TSE ceremony symbolized respect for institutions as the only way to grow and strengthen the Republic and the strength of democracy, as the only political regime where all power comes from the people and which should be exercised for the good of the people,” Moraes wrote.

The inauguration was accompanied by STF ministers, former presidents, politicians, 13 ministers from the Bolsonaro government and 40 ambassadors, as well as 22 governors, the Attorney General of the Republic, Augusto Aras, and other government officials. At the same ceremony, Minister Ricardo Lewandowski was sworn in as Deputy.

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Political scientist André Rosa emphasizes that the presence of government officials is commonplace, but this event brought symbolism. “Obviously, the inauguration will be attended by the president and former presidents of the republic. But, in fact, if Bolsonaro was not present at this meeting, it would be very bad and an insult to democracy. It is also important to note that when Alexandre de Moraes speaks in support of the elections, everyone applauds except Bolsonaro,” he said.

For Nahue constitutional lawyer and political scientist Bernardo de Azevedo, the ceremony had several meanings. “Firstly, it shows the firm support of the figure of the minister himself, which may be decisive for his imposition of himself on the TS. At the same time, it supports the strong statements of the minister in defense of the electoral system. , which took on a strong tone and which, in other contexts, would be little more than a footnote in any news story about the event,” he noted.

first meeting

During his first appointment as President of the TSE, Alexandre de Moraes met yesterday with the Presidents of the 27 Regional Electoral Courts (TRE). The judge stressed that he would be open to dialogue. “We are absolutely open to everyone. Alone, TSE does nothing. The TSE works together with the regional electoral courts and with all election judges,” he said.

Moraes has already said he will not let his guard down during the election period. The TSE already has a plan ready to hold the October elections with the least possible disturbance and prevent justice in case of extreme scenarios.

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In a meeting with TRE, he said it was extremely important that preventive action be taken together on Election Day. Discussions also included fighting disinformation, working with security forces, training poll workers, and changes to ballot box distribution.

The minister will command selective justice during the most troubling elections since the country’s redemocratization. He will be tasked with ensuring the fairness of the voting system, as well as dealing with the untimely behavior of Jair Bolsonaro, who claims without evidence that the previous elections were rigged.

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Evangelists are at a political peak and single out Michelle and Janya – 17.08.2022 – Poder



Evangelists are at a political peak and single out Michelle and Janya - 17.08.2022 - Poder

With a thumbs up, the pastor of the Assembly of God in Botukatu (SP) warns that anyone who votes for Lulu (PT) is “not worthy of the Lord’s Supper.” The best thing such a believer can do is to refrain from eating bread and drinking from a cup (usually grape juice), which is a symbolic recognition of Christ’s sacrifice, he says.

“He said there in the Sarawah circle when he got popcorn on his head that ‘the demons are bothering me now’. Do you have the courage to say that you will vote for such a person?” The religious leader refers to a video from 2021 showing PT participating in a candomblé ritual. Lula never claimed to have been possessed, but walks around evangelical churches with a quote taken out of context. He said, in fact, that “Bolsonarists on social media” spread “that the devil cares about me.”

Opponents conjure up a narrative of Lula’s collusion with darkness after the first elections in newly democratized Brazil, when evangelicals began to gain prominence in the elections. The segment now reaches, in this year 2022, polarized between PT and Jair Bolsonaro (PL), the pinnacle of its political activity, in a confrontation in which the first lady Michelle Bolsonaro and the sociologist Rosangela da Silva, Giagna, Squid’s wife.

The emergence of this Christian bloc in politics began in the Constituent Assembly, which formulated the Constitution of 1988. The first evangelical pew was formed there, which, in his own words, gave a “biblical ablution” to the chairman of the Constituent Assembly, Ulisse Guimarães.

“Brother, vote for brother” Josue Silvestre, a parliamentary councilor associated with another Assembly, God’s, dates back to that time. The book summarizes the new evangelical Zeitgeist: “The believer votes for the believer, because otherwise he cannot claim to be a believer,” wrote Sylvester.

“Evangelical leaders, especially Pentecostals, took advantage of the context of democratic openness to invest in political activism,” says Ricardo Mariano, a USP sociology professor who coined the term “neo-Pentecostals” in his master’s thesis in the 1990s. “Since the 1970s, pastors have been harassed by candidates who, when elected, often broke their promises. This, they said, encouraged them to nominate their own candidates.”

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Churches began, in Mariano’s words, to “strategically resort to the victimized fate of a persecuted religious minority, declaring the urgent need to protect religious freedom, Christian morality, and their own interests from attacks by perceived enemies through the election of church representatives.”

An example of a leap year when a pastor backed Lulu against Fernando Collor in 1989, Silas Malafaia says that as a child he heard pastors preach “that politics and television are the work of the devil.” He quotes the biblical passage “Give to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s” to explain why “I could not, thinking with my buttons, understand the reason for this.”

As a televangelist he worked “to give political consciousness to evangelists”. The old pastoral guard, in the words of today’s Bolsonarist Malafay, “only preached heaven and eternal life, as if we were not in an earthly context.”

Fake old news, re-released in 2022, is the idea that PT will close churches. Already in the 1989 elections, there was talk that Lula would do this if she won in collusion with the Catholic Church to eradicate the religious freedom of the evangelicals.

On the eve of the first round, the faithful of the Catholic Church sang “devil on a tightrope, let’s collorir, let’s collorir” at a vigil led by Bishop Edir Macedo, who wore a shirt with the name Collor.

The one wearing the shirt in 2010 was MP Marco Feliciano (PL-SP). It read: “I am a Christian and I vote for Dilma.” In the service, he made a mea culpa: “Like a parrot, I repeated: PT is going to close the churches in Brazil. […] Eight years ago, Lula was a demon. But Lula was chosen and not a single church was closed.”

Feliciano and Macedo were with Dilma Rousseff in an argument that was won by PT. Today, the Episcopal Church is campaigning that the Christian Left is an anomaly, and the MP reiterated that the PT is a threat to churches. Closing temples during the pandemic for health reasons helped inflate this “Lula risk.”

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Feliciano justifies his change of position as follows: PT is “committed to the principles of identity” and one way to silence churches is to shut them up. He says he thinks in the PT government, “laws that prevent pastors from saying that homosexuality is a sin, or that force believers into same-sex ‘marriages’ will swarm.” Lula’s campaign shows no signs of this happening.

Playing with moral pride is a resource that paid off for Bolsonaro in 2018,” recalls Ricardo Mariano. The pastors accused Fernando Haddad, the PT presidential candidate “participating in the anti-PT wave”, of being “an agent of cultural Marxism, a culture of death.” [aborto] and gender ideology,” he says.

In this election, the Catholic Bolsonaro has put an evangelical woman at the forefront of his campaign, whom he married in 2013 with Malafaia’s blessing. Michelle is seen as a more sugary antithesis to the president’s rugged image, which would be well liked by women, 58% of evangelical voters and her husband’s electoral wing. And it turned out better than the order, according to the allies.

The first lady can speak the language of the evangelists, said Apostle Cesar Augusto, leader of the Fonte da Vida church. “She does not pretend during the campaign, as we see with many politicians. We know the difference between authenticity and pretense.”

Malafaya repeats the good impression. “Michelle is known for being a woman, an evangelist who knows how to position herself, looks good,” she says. “And after seeing her husband being killed, like a macho who can’t stand a woman, my friend, a woman has panache, she began to open her mouth.”

Janja, on the other hand, is PT’s bet to lure female voters into a duel between two men who have entered the popular imagination as “macho goats.” However, pastors from the Bolonarist orbit believe that the sociologist has a religious responsibility.

Not only does she exude an image of an independent woman that brings her closer to the feminism rejected by many evangelicals, but she also posted a photo of herself posing next to images of orishas from Afro-Brazilian religions. Here’s how he signed it: “I miss white and twists, turns, turns…”.

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Michelle herself played a recording of the Candomblé leaders showering Lulu with popcorn. But not because of religious tolerance: the video associates this religion with darkness.

Lula’s headquarters is trying to run after Bolsonaro to prevent Bolsonaro from further distancing himself from the former president in an evangelical field that represents 1 in 4 voters.

Lula tested vaccines against a minefield that had been prepared for him to avoid regaining the evangelical voices that once belonged to him, like when he said at the start of his campaign that Bolsonaro was “demons-possessed.” He also brought Pastor Paulo Marcelo to his team, who allied with PT and was a member of the Gideões Missionários da Última Hora, a Pentecostal congress that put forward names like Feliciano, with whom he is friends to this day.

Paulo Marcelo defends a tactic now resurfacing in PT members’ speeches: reminding evangelists that Lula did a lot of good for the group, such as when he approved the law that established the March for Jesus National Day. The former president, he said, also deserves credit for better times. “The question is very simple: what has improved in your life? How much income did your church have at the time of Lula and Dilma, and how much do you have today?”

Something was already recommended in 2013 by Marcello Crivella, nephew of Edir Macedo, who at the time was Dilma’s Minister of Fisheries. At an event with pastors, today’s Bolsonarian Crivella stated: “The President said: We are no longer going to exploit the people. And when there is more money, the evangelical people are not the people who go to the boutique to buy branded clothes. people do? He goes to church more because he can afford the subway and train. He gives more offerings, more tithes, more charity.”

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