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Montenegro can unite the PSD and the political system is “going to”



Montenegro can unite the PSD and the political system is "going to"

EIn an interview with the chairman of the board of directors of the Impresa group, Francisco Pinto Balseman, for today’s edition of the podcast “Leave the world a better place”, the head of state recalls that in recent years he has warned that “the political system has been unbalanced” and says: “I think she is composing” .

“On the one hand, it was very important that there was a strong area of ​​power, and this area of ​​power became weak from a certain moment, was undermined by disagreements, many of which are insurmountable, between the ruling party and its supporters,” points out, referring to the so-called “Geringonsu ”, consisting of PS and left parties.

According to Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, “the Portuguese solved” this problem by giving the Socialists an absolute majority in the legislative assembly of January 30 this year.

“But then there was a problem on the right,” he continues, arguing that the elimination of the SDP and SDO-PP after the government of Pedro Passos Coelho came to power led to “an increase in the number of parties from the SDP” – Chega, Liberal Initiative. e Aliança — “and suddenly five instead of two.”

The President of the Republic adds that in this context, “the centre-right, in order to come to power, will have to come together to find solutions with a very strong leadership that can only be from the strongest party that the PSD has ever been”, which qualifies as “complicated a task”.

Asked by Balsemão if Luis Montenegro thought it was a good decision for the PSD, Marcelo Rebelo de Souza replied: “I don’t like to comment on party decisions, I don’t think the president should comment on party decisions. , I have witnessed that an effort has been made that has not been seen in the SDP for a long time – it is not total, it is not 100%, but a very big effort – to unite people who have been alienated or divided for a long time.”

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“The SDP had a characteristic well known to us: they could get slapped, and it was even an aspect of the fact that they always had alternatives to themselves, but when the moment of truth came, which ceased to exist after a certain point, it seems that the beginning of this path [de Luís Montenegro]and this is the only way to make painstaking, difficult, complex reconstruction that will benefit the system,” he concludes.

Luis Montenegro received 72.5% of the vote in a direct vote on May 28, in which he met with Jorge Moreira da Silva, and assumed the presidency of the 40th Congress of the PSD, which took place from July 1 to 3 in Porto, replacing Rui Rio who has led the party since January 2018.

On July 5, the President of the Republic received Luis Montenegro at an audience at the Palacio de Belen, accompanied by a delegation consisting of Paulo Rangel, Margarida Balceira Lopez and Hugo Soares.

In this interview with Balseman, the head of state considers it his “duties” of his second term to ensure that “the absolute majority do everything in their power to take advantage of the scarce resources that exist between now and 2025/2026” coming from the European Union, and on the other on the other hand, that “whoever leads the center-right opposition does everything to have a strong formula that can become an alternative to reality, which will be eight or ten years old one of these days.”

“We need right-wing or right-wing centrists of those who restore federative capacity and present themselves in a position to be in the government of Portugal,” he emphasizes.

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Regarding the previous leadership of the SDP, Rui Río, Marcelo Rebelo de Souza states: “We have to admit that in the end she was faced with a situation that she partly inherited, which was the collapse of the SDP, she exploded at that time.” And then she had to constantly, with very strong splits, manage this in the opposition.

Asked if he understands that Chega left the SDP, the President of the Republic replies that yes, “this is also a party from the SDP”, with a “very strong evangelical base”, but that she inherited from the SDP “an area that some call social populist or socially competitive.

According to the head of state, whoever formed the “Liberal Initiative” “also did not recognize himself in the SDP, because he believed that the SDP was not as liberal as under the previous government,” and pointed out that “in addition, it nevertheless came out [do PSD] Aliança, founded and led by Pedro Santana López.

On the last day of the PSD Congress, 3 July, the President of the Republic felt that Luis Montenegro was starting a “closer rapprochement with the President of the Republic” and paving the way for a “special collaboration”, which he welcomed.

“From what I have seen, I register a new fact regarding the President of the Portuguese Republic, namely: where there was institutional cooperation in the recent past, there is special cooperation. Portuguese Republic. I’m registering and I’m happy with it.” , Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa told reporters in Sao Paulo.

Shortly before that, in her closing speech, Montenegro sent to the President of the Republic “a message of the full readiness of the new leadership of the PSD to continue with a sense of loyalty and institutional cooperation the relations of closeness and cooperation that democracy and the Portuguese demand and deserve.”

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The new PSD National Political Commission includes Inés Domingos, economic adviser to the President of the Republic.

[Notícia atualizada às 13h36]

Read also: Marcelo Rebelo de Souza admits it is currently ‘very hard to manage’

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Center is not destiny – Opinion



Civil society has risen to loudly and clearly declare that a democratic regime, won at the cost of much suffering, is non-negotiable and that its defense is above political and ideological differences that can divide citizens. Understandably, President Jair Bolsonaro’s authoritarian delusions may haunt him through sleepless nights and stimulate the imagination of the libertic fanatics who still support him, but it doesn’t go beyond that. Undermining the constitutional order that the President of the Republic has dreamed of in order to sustain himself over time will require a certain strength – material and political – and a spectrum of support that Bolsonaro certainly does not and will not have.

This was evident from the mass commitment of the population to Letter to Brazilians and Braziliansa civic manifesto organized by the Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo in defense of the rule of law democratic state and electoral justice.

BUT Map idealized in Largo de São Francisco, has the historical merit of uniting the various representative strata of society – capital and labor – around a staunch defense of democracy and periodic elections. But Bolsonaro’s attacks on the e-voting system and the holding of the next election itself are only the most pressing problems facing Brazilian democracy.

Once the next elections are held and their results are approved by the Electoral Court and recognized by all decent people in the country, as happened without incident in recent decades, the way the country is run will need to be redesigned. If the current model, in which government guarantors weaken the executive power and control the budget without any transparency and respect for voters and taxpayers, is maintained, then one cannot speak of democratic strength, even if the elections are the cleanest and the fair of history.

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How a budget is made and executed is at the heart of democracy as it concerns diligence with public money and debate about the purpose of these scarce resources. When the budget is dominated by a handful of parties and leaders who take it upon themselves to choose how and where public money is spent without being accountable to citizens, one cannot speak of democracy.

Thus, the struggle for democracy is also fighting to ensure that the allocation of billions of reais from public resources is subject to national interests, and not to the limitations of Centrão. To defend democracy in a presidential country is to save the authority of the future President of the Republic from being the great inductor of the national agenda. This was lost due to the moral and political weakness of the incumbent. Among the many evils he has caused, Bolsonaro has reduced Brazilian democracy to a humiliating level, and there is no indication that if re-elected, he will be able to do otherwise. Thus, his reappointment will doom Brazilian democracy to a long winter.

However, there are many who believe that whoever takes over as president from 2023 will remain as it is. Perhaps out of apathy, it is assumed that Brazil is doomed to live under the yoke of this predatory device. Nothing further from the truth.

It is entirely possible that relations between the President and Congress will be minimally Republican. Contrary to appearances, the pernicious association of Bolsonaro and Centrão, and before him the criminal consortium between PT and monthly workers, are not the only ways to run the country. History shows that the formation of government coalitions does not necessarily involve corruption or the transfer of power to parliamentarians lacking public spirit. We are talking about the division of power, which is absolutely normal in a democracy. The anomaly, which has come to a paroxysm in the present government, lies in the false purpose which enlivens the exercise of all this power. And this is what needs to be changed. United by such a common cause, society is able to give Brazil the fate it wants.

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After the flood, typical barbs at a political event in Kentucky



After the flood, typical barbs at a political event in Kentucky

Republicans running for governor in 2023 took to the stage at Kentucky’s biggest political event on Saturday, criticizing Gov. Andy Beshear’s handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, offering support for the recovery effort the Democratic governor is leading in the wake of the floods and tornadoes.

As pointed out by his opponents, Beshear spent the day comforting families displaced by the flash floods that flooded the Appalachian region more than a week ago, killing 37 people. Beshear visited two state parks where some of the homeless suddenly found refuge.

“I’m in our state parks today, spending time with our families in eastern Kentucky who have been displaced by catastrophic flooding,” Beshear wrote on social media. “These Kentuckys have been through the unimaginable. My priority is to be there for them.”

Last December, deadly tornadoes hit parts of western Kentucky. The political speech at the annual Fancy Farm picnic – the traditional start of the fall campaign – was held about 10 miles from Mayfield, which was directly hit by a tornado.

Living up to the event’s reputation for bold attacks, Republicans who wanted to oust Beshear took aim at the restrictions the governor had placed on businesses and gatherings in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The governor said his actions saved lives at a dangerous time when there were no vaccines. The Republican-led state legislature controlled the governor’s policy-making power in a case decided by the state Supreme Court.

GOP gubernatorial candidate Ryan Quarles called Beshear “governor of closure.”

“It brought our economy to a halt,” said Quarles, the state’s agriculture commissioner. “He closed our Mom and Dad stores. It killed countless jobs and left big stores open.

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“Guys, just because we are going through a global pandemic does not mean that our rights, our freedoms and freedoms should be thrown out the window,” he added.

In his remarks, Kentucky Democratic Party Chairman Colmon Elridge defended Beshear, who consistently receives high approval ratings from Kentuckians in the polls. Elridge praised Beshear’s efforts to lead recovery efforts in tornado-hit western Kentucky and said he would do the same for flood victims in Appalachia.

“Once again, our governor is showing through our actions how we stand up to times of devastation and embrace our fellow Kentuckians not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Kentuckians,” Elridge said.

Beshear has already pledged not to attend the state’s first political event. The Governor originally planned a visit to Israel that coincided with a Fancy Farm picnic. He canceled this trip after severe flooding in eastern Kentucky.

The Fancy Farm scene was dominated by Republican officials, a testament to the dominance of the Republican Party in the elections. The event is a rite of passage for state candidates who are put to the test in the August heatwave while facing jeers and shouts from other party supporters.

The political attacks were accompanied by calls for continued public support for people recovering from tornadoes and facing the same challenge in flood-hit areas.

“We may have laughed a little today, but whether we’re Republicans or Democrats, you know we’re with you,” said Daniel Cameron, the GOP gubernatorial candidate. each other. We help repair and we help rebuild.”

Cameron then continued to promote his candidacy. He praised his support for former President Donald Trump and his work as state attorney general in defending Kentucky’s anti-abortion laws and fighting the Biden administration’s policies in court.

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“I am the best candidate and the only candidate who can beat Andy Beshear next fall,” Cameron said.

Two other GOP gubernatorial candidates also made presentations to the crowd and state television viewers who were watching: State Auditor Mike Harmon and State Representative Savannah Maddox.

Missing from Saturday’s political speech was Kentucky’s most powerful Republican, Senate GOP leader Mitch McConnell. A pillar of the picnic for decades, McConnell loves to brawl but missed the event due to Senate duties. In his Senate address on Saturday, McConnell said the federal government’s role in the long-term recovery of flood-hit areas will increase once reconstruction begins.

“I will be visiting the area in person shortly to meet with flood victims and listen to their concerns,” McConnell said. and better than before.”

Biden declared a federal disaster to send money to help affected Kentucky counties.

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Eduardo Paez denies Bolsonaro asked for change on 7 September



Eduardo Paez denies Bolsonaro asked for change on 7 September

Mayor of Rio de Janeiro Eduardo Paez said today that he has not received any official requests to move the location of the September 7 parade from downtown Rio de Janeiro to Copacabana. “The event will be organized where the army demanded it and where it has always been held, in President Vargas,” Paez wrote on his Twitter profile. The municipality is responsible for preparing the technical structure of the act.

The demonstration comes after President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) announced last Saturday (30) that the ceremony would take place on Avenida Atlantica, the site where government demonstrations usually take place. Last year, the president used the holiday to attack the ministers of the WSF (Supreme Federal Court) and the coup d’état.

The action in Rio de Janeiro must be political as it will take place a month before the elections, at a time when Bolsonaro is trailing former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (PT) in the polls. wanted UOLThe Ministry of Defense and the Planalto Palace did not comment.

Yesterday Minister Carmen Lucia of the STF (Supreme Federal Court) gave the representative five days to present information about plans to hold a parade on September 7 in Copacabana. In his speech, Senator Randolph Rodriguez (Rede-AP) said that the possible changes are not technically motivated, but political-electoral.

The congressman says the president’s intent is “to tie his candidacy to the military’s institutional support and also to sell the idea that he has broad popular support by publicizing his re-election event.”

One argument is that despite the hierarchical subordination and discipline that governs the armed forces, the intervention of the judiciary is necessary to ensure that they are not used contrary to the Federal Constitution. The senator also argues that the act of the President of the Republic to move the venue for the celebration of the bicentenary of independence in Rio de Janeiro violates the right of people who wish to participate in the commemorative event, without pre-election bias.

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In Randolph’s assessment, the president is using his status as supreme commander of the armed forces to hold a military parade in the same environment in which he called his supporters to a political act, clearly abusing political and economic power.

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