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Bolsonaro alone with his coup – Opinion

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This is a constant fact throughout the government. The institutions failed to moderate Jair Bolsonaro. To make matters worse, their intemperance becomes even more vehement in the run-up to the election. You have the President of the Republic strictly without restrictions. But if the politico-institutional world was unable to contain Jair Bolsonaro, then Bolsonaro’s inability to involve the politico-institutional world in his dreams is also a fact.

There is no denying that Jair Bolsonaro has followers. However, even having won the trust of a part of the population, he remains in complete isolation in relation to his current most important banner, against elections and electoral justice. There is no party or civil society organization, and no political or civic leadership that can support their campaign against election integrity. For all Bolsonarist’s reasoning, society is not divided on this issue.

So much so that even the government’s allies – those to whom the Bolsonaro government gave generous chunks of the federal budget – have drifted away from the President of the Republic when it comes to electronic voting machines. They consider the matter closed, since Congress rejected the print PEC vote last year. Chamber Presidents Artur Lira (PP-AL) and Senate Presidents Rodrigo Pacheco (PSD-MG), who, despite numerous allegations of liability crimes, have done much to keep Jair Bolsonaro in office, strongly dismiss any suspicions about the electoral system. Even Bolsonarist’s candidate for the São Paulo state government, Tarcisio de Freitas (Republicans-SP), admitted in an interview with Culture TV: “I believe in polls.”

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If the isolation of Jair Bolsonaro was already visible, it became especially infamous after the ministries of defense and justice were involved in his attempt to control the elections, suggesting a parallel count of votes by the Armed Forces. There are many shortcomings in the country, but no one – neither the leadership nor the relevant structures – has spoken out in support of these illegal attacks on the electoral system. What we are seeing is more and more frequent statements in support of a democratic rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and the integrity of elections, such as the statement made by the President of the Federation of Industry of the State of Sao Paulo (Fiesp), Josue Gomes da Silva, at a recent organization meeting. “This house stands for the strengthening of institutions and the judiciary,” President Fiesp said.

The message of the political and civic leaders is clear: no one wants a disruption of the democratic order, no one wants an electoral disorder, no one wants a candidate who rejected the results either before or after the election to be announced by the Higher Electoral Court (TSE). The will of the electorate is sovereign and will be respected.

There is a moment in the isolation of Jair Bolsonaro in his anti-election campaign that is worth noting. Political parties have a history of electoral justice. They know that, despite shortcomings and delays, the TSE enforces election legislation. Elections are not a world of lawlessness, as Jair Bolsonaro would like. A candidate who has committed an electoral crime does not take office, and if he does, then his mandate is subsequently annulled. In other words, no one wants to jeopardize their candidacy by launching an insane boleronist attack on the election.

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It must also be recognized that Jair Bolsonaro’s political impotence goes beyond the issue of electoral integrity. Two years ago, the President of the Republic opened a government to Centrão, which began to give some political support to the Planalto Palace. But the alliance is far from stable or secure. For example, by choosing General Braga Netto as his deputy on his list, Jair Bolsonaro found himself in complete isolation among his allies. As his closest political circle has already understood, Bolsonaro’s coup is not a strength, but a weakness.

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FBI search causes political storm and could speed up Trump’s re-election

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FBI search causes political storm and could speed up Trump's re-election

Hours after it was revealed that the FBI raided his residence in Mar-a-Lago, Florida, Donald Trump posted a campaign video on his Pravda social network, fueling rumors that he was preparing to announce his re-election to the presidency.

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Donald Trump says he is a “victim” of the FBI. Republicans talk about political attack

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Donald Trump says he is a "victim" of the FBI.  Republicans talk about political attack

Donald Trump says he is a “victim” of the FBI. Republicans talk about political attack

After the FBI ransacked the home of the former President of the United States, early Monday morning Donald Trump, several family members and members of the Republican Party point to illegal police actions and “political persecution.”

“After working and cooperating with the relevant government agencies, this unannounced raid on my home is inappropriate,” Donald Trump said in a statement, accusing Democratic rivals of using the U.S. Department of Justice as a weapon to stop him from doing so. run in the 2024 presidential election.

The children of the former president also spoke out in favor of Trump. Eric and Donald Junior say the FBI’s investigation is worthy of a “third world country” and a “banana republic.”

Former Trump Secretary of State Mike Pompeo believes in a conspiracy against a businessman and political leader: “Overt politicization of the DOJ/FBI is shameful. The Attorney General must explain why these searches delayed justice for 250 years.”

Rep. Ronnie Jackson even says the FBI has “officially become an enemy of the people.”

The FBI is led by Christopher Ray, who was appointed by Donald Trump in 2017. Officially, investigators have not yet commented on the searches, but US media sources indicate that Donald Trump could have taken confidential documents from the White House without permission.

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On political crime and criminal policy – 08.08.2022 – Opinion

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On political crime and criminal policy - 08.08.2022 - Opinion

The escalation of violence that has engulfed the political arena has taken another victim. The birthday party, which had former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) as its theme, ended tragically after a political antagonist intruded and fired a gun, killing the birthday boy. A police spokesman in the case said it was not a political crime.

And how is a murder with a clearly political motive not a political crime? Sometimes there are such things in the law: it has its own logic. This “magic” created by the codes is not always pleasant, but this time we must give a justification to the law.

Attributing a crime to a political one is not limited only to the motivation of the perpetrator, but also to the actual or potential consequences of the action. Thus, it takes a crime to endanger national sovereignty, democracy, territorial integrity, or the head of any of the Union powers. The gruesome murder may have been politically motivated, but the perpetrator’s intended consequences were limited to the party and its members.

There is no rule relating exclusively to political motivation; thus, this type of motivation corresponds to the concept of abomination, which, in the language of criminal law, is a particularly heinous and heinous crime. Since murder qualifies as hooliganism, the crime is punished more severely. Thus, there is no political crime, but there is a crime in politics.

Besides the issue of the infamous crime in politics, there is another dimension, much more complex, that deserves attention: the politics of crime.

The aggressor was reportedly traveling with his wife and child when he fell out with his political opponents. He left them both safely and returned for a rematch. From the killer’s point of view, he was definitely not a killer, but a patriot or some sort of hero against a villain.

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The Manichaean understanding of life, projected into politics, allows for family conflicts, broken friendships, and even marriages, which have been widely reported. Exposing yourself as the bearer of absolute truth allows you to confront the enemy as a hero who must defeat the villain. This kind of absolute contraction is characteristic of religions whose dogmas are guided by love, mercy and tolerance.

Politics, on the other hand, has other dogmas, as it is a stage for disputes over power and ideas. Presenting oneself as the holder of sacred truth outside the religious scene is usually the fuel for the generality of historical atrocities. The politics of crime is born only in the absence of minimum cultural and educational standards, replacing persuasion with knowledge.

There is no other way to suppress criminal politics than to reconsider one’s own convictions, to make room for listening to the opinions of others, no matter how much one wants to convince the other of one’s opinions. In politics, as in science, belief is the worst enemy of consensus, and without a minimum of consensus, there is no nation, only a handful of people shooting at each other.

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Articles published by subscription do not reflect the opinion of the newspaper. Its publication is intended to stimulate discussion of Brazilian and world issues and reflect the various currents of contemporary thought.

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