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Andre Passos Cordeiro | Urgent green industrial policy



Andre Passos Cordeiro |  Urgent green industrial policy

The transition to a green economy opens up another window of opportunity for Brazil to make a leap in development, as it did during independence, during the period opened by the crisis of 1929 and after the Second World War.

In the 1st period, our political and cultural configuration was, perhaps, too infected with the evil of D. Mary 1st, who on January 5, 1785 ordered “that all factories, manufactories or looms (…) be extinct and abolished, wherever they are in my possessions in Brazil”. The rationale was the risk of damage to agriculture and mining activities due to the movement of labor.

It took us 1930 and the post-war period to realize that the opposite is true.

In 1822, already in the industrialized world, our manufacture was insignificant and, consequently, our share in the production of world wealth was only 0.5%. And only after 1930, with an acceleration in the 1950s and 1970s, did we begin to climb the mountain of economic growth, until in the mid-1980s we reached more than 3% of world GDP.

The engine of this lift? Significant and ongoing government policy of industrialization. Without it, it would take a whole century for industry to account for 12% of GDP and grow from 0.5% to 1% of global GDP. At the same time, after about 50 years (1930-1980), we began to rely on an industry that produces 35.9% of GDP, and the country tripled its share in world GDP.

However, the task was considerable and incomplete. In 1930, 4 industrial and technological revolutions had already taken place in the world, and Brazil was a distant observer. Until then, practically nothing of what they brought new was done here: we exported the most primary, we imported the most developed product of these revolutions.

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There are several reasons for this disparity and growth constraints in Brazil. I would like to highlight one premise of all: the entry into the industrial age is the main engine of growth and nowhere in the world it was spontaneous. It took Brazil some time to learn this lesson and for some time we have made more mistakes than we have succeeded. In the 1990s, the situation of structural under-competitiveness was seen as a simple lack of competition, and Brazil opened its domestic market to imports without making the necessary adjustments.

We have opened the country, and rightly so, but we have suspended for a long time any industrial policy worthy of the name. The synthesis phrase of this period was The best industrial policy is no industrial policy.” former Finance Minister Pedro Malan. data CSIS, a bipartisan think tank in the US, show that China spends $248 billion annually on industry stimulus policies; United States, $84 billion; Japan, US$26 billion; and Germany, US$16 billion. Brazil is providing US$6 billion.

The distance is very great, and the overall result of this reality is tragic: Brazilian industry has lost its share of world manufacturing output, falling almost continuously from 2.5% in 1990 to 1.32% in 2020, and the country’s share of world wealth from 3% in 1980 to 2% in 2021.

We get lost in the eternal discussions about less state and more market, when the most correct thing is more union between the 2. It is necessary to resume industrial policy and organize a conversation on an equal footing between it and fiscal and monetary policy. It should be an industrial policy that integrates production chains into missions aimed at accelerating the transition of the Brazilian economy to the current production paradigm: sustainable and cyclical.

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The starting point of transformation is the chemical industry, which brings innovation to the entire production chain, without which neither technology nor the way of organizing production can be competitive. The chemical industry can add value to natural resources such as pre-salt gas by preventing it from being simply burned as fuel or wasted when re-injected into oil wells, while at the same time providing technologies to recover the by-product. from it to the production process after consumption.

It can also add value to green hydrogen by going beyond energy use and producing green ammonia to use as fertilizer. It is chemistry that makes it possible to produce plastic for lighter parts needed for an electric car.

Without chemistry, there is no renewable energy: plastic solar cells based on conductive organic polymers are being developed to create light and inexpensive panels, windmill blades are made from plastics and chemical additives, synthetic fibers are used to insulate electronic components. wind generators.

In the field of health and sanitation, ensuring the constant availability of chemical products is inevitable for consistent progress. During the pandemic, we saw how many basic pharmaceutical ingredients are needed throughout the country. The supply of chlorine, polymeric membranes, PVC for pipes without the risk of interruption due to global crises is necessary to increase the pace of water and wastewater treatment in Brazil. All this is industry, all this is chemistry, all this is strategic.

The window of opportunity for green transformation is narrowing as competing countries already have their own (robust) plans. Brazil has all the resources to pursue a sustainable and lasting industrial policy that will lift us out of poverty. The time has come.

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FBI search causes political storm and could speed up Trump’s re-election



FBI search causes political storm and could speed up Trump's re-election

Hours after it was revealed that the FBI raided his residence in Mar-a-Lago, Florida, Donald Trump posted a campaign video on his Pravda social network, fueling rumors that he was preparing to announce his re-election to the presidency.

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Donald Trump says he is a “victim” of the FBI. Republicans talk about political attack



Donald Trump says he is a "victim" of the FBI.  Republicans talk about political attack

Donald Trump says he is a “victim” of the FBI. Republicans talk about political attack

After the FBI ransacked the home of the former President of the United States, early Monday morning Donald Trump, several family members and members of the Republican Party point to illegal police actions and “political persecution.”

“After working and cooperating with the relevant government agencies, this unannounced raid on my home is inappropriate,” Donald Trump said in a statement, accusing Democratic rivals of using the U.S. Department of Justice as a weapon to stop him from doing so. run in the 2024 presidential election.

The children of the former president also spoke out in favor of Trump. Eric and Donald Junior say the FBI’s investigation is worthy of a “third world country” and a “banana republic.”

Former Trump Secretary of State Mike Pompeo believes in a conspiracy against a businessman and political leader: “Overt politicization of the DOJ/FBI is shameful. The Attorney General must explain why these searches delayed justice for 250 years.”

Rep. Ronnie Jackson even says the FBI has “officially become an enemy of the people.”

The FBI is led by Christopher Ray, who was appointed by Donald Trump in 2017. Officially, investigators have not yet commented on the searches, but US media sources indicate that Donald Trump could have taken confidential documents from the White House without permission.

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On political crime and criminal policy – 08.08.2022 – Opinion



On political crime and criminal policy - 08.08.2022 - Opinion

The escalation of violence that has engulfed the political arena has taken another victim. The birthday party, which had former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) as its theme, ended tragically after a political antagonist intruded and fired a gun, killing the birthday boy. A police spokesman in the case said it was not a political crime.

And how is a murder with a clearly political motive not a political crime? Sometimes there are such things in the law: it has its own logic. This “magic” created by the codes is not always pleasant, but this time we must give a justification to the law.

Attributing a crime to a political one is not limited only to the motivation of the perpetrator, but also to the actual or potential consequences of the action. Thus, it takes a crime to endanger national sovereignty, democracy, territorial integrity, or the head of any of the Union powers. The gruesome murder may have been politically motivated, but the perpetrator’s intended consequences were limited to the party and its members.

There is no rule relating exclusively to political motivation; thus, this type of motivation corresponds to the concept of abomination, which, in the language of criminal law, is a particularly heinous and heinous crime. Since murder qualifies as hooliganism, the crime is punished more severely. Thus, there is no political crime, but there is a crime in politics.

Besides the issue of the infamous crime in politics, there is another dimension, much more complex, that deserves attention: the politics of crime.

The aggressor was reportedly traveling with his wife and child when he fell out with his political opponents. He left them both safely and returned for a rematch. From the killer’s point of view, he was definitely not a killer, but a patriot or some sort of hero against a villain.

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The Manichaean understanding of life, projected into politics, allows for family conflicts, broken friendships, and even marriages, which have been widely reported. Exposing yourself as the bearer of absolute truth allows you to confront the enemy as a hero who must defeat the villain. This kind of absolute contraction is characteristic of religions whose dogmas are guided by love, mercy and tolerance.

Politics, on the other hand, has other dogmas, as it is a stage for disputes over power and ideas. Presenting oneself as the holder of sacred truth outside the religious scene is usually the fuel for the generality of historical atrocities. The politics of crime is born only in the absence of minimum cultural and educational standards, replacing persuasion with knowledge.

There is no other way to suppress criminal politics than to reconsider one’s own convictions, to make room for listening to the opinions of others, no matter how much one wants to convince the other of one’s opinions. In politics, as in science, belief is the worst enemy of consensus, and without a minimum of consensus, there is no nation, only a handful of people shooting at each other.

Articles published by subscription do not reflect the opinion of the newspaper. Its publication is intended to stimulate discussion of Brazilian and world issues and reflect the various currents of contemporary thought.

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