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Similarities Between PT and Centão – Opinion

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PT Deputy and President Glasey Hoffmann took the floor in the House to criticize the Public Companies Act for precisely what makes it fundamental to public morality and good governance: the right to veto the appointment of politicians to run these companies. It is no coincidence that the Glazy case coincides with that of Centrão, which also seeks to restore the possibility of allocation of positions in state companies, in particular, in Petrobras.

PT is, in Anthony Garotinho’s immortal definition, a “small-mouthed party,” a characteristic that, despite obvious ideological differences, makes it very similar to the Centrão parties, which have always been guided by sinecures and prebends. The difference is that PT members are promoted to supply the state and make it work for their power project, while Centrão is content with access to monetary and electoral advantages. For the country it does not matter: in both cases, public administration is squandered in favor of private interests.

PT and Centrão’s preferred target is obviously Petrobras, which Lula da Silva and Chamber President Arthur Lira consider the devil. This group did not like the Public Companies Act at all, because it stated that Petrobras should be run by professionals in the oil sector, not the looting sector.

In his speech before the House of Representatives, Glasey Hoffmann said, if you think about it, the Public Company Act “criminalizes politics.” It was no longer the State Companies Act that criminalized politics, but the parties that took Petrobras by storm during the Lulopetista Mandarin. The State Companies Law is precisely the civilized response to the barbarism of the oilmen and the brazen political use of Petrobras for election purposes, which nearly bankrupted the company.

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The purpose of PT and Centrão are articles 16 and 17 of Law 13.303/2016. Article 17 requires managers to have professional experience and prohibits ministers, party leaders, trade unionists and Legislative Assembly mandate holders from holding positions, as well as persons with a conflict of interest. For PT, the introduction of minimum parameters for the selection of directors and directors of state-owned companies is a discriminatory attitude – even after many years, the PT administration led to Petrobras admitting a write-off of 6.2 billion reais for corruption and spending 100 reais. billion fuel adjustments.

Article 16, in turn, subjects the administrator of public companies to the rules of private sector governance. By including it in the charter, Petrobras made it clear that the members of the Board of Directors and the Board of Executive Directors are individually and jointly and severally liable for the actions they take and for losses resulting from such actions. This means that managers may have to pay for reckless management out of their own pockets. It is no coincidence that it has become one of the most effective means of preventing the looting of state-owned companies: it is very easy to squander other people’s money when there is a guarantee of impunity. For this reason, the last three presidents of Petrobras, chosen by Jair Bolsonaro, when they were forced to adopt an interventionist policy in the name of his re-election, chose to resign.

The Law on State Companies is an important milestone in the history of the country. This was a moral salvation for public companies and brought undeniable results – 2015 was the last year when a group of federal state-owned companies recorded losses. Profitable companies generate taxes that can be used to improve people’s lives, increase investment, and spur growth. Poorly managed companies, by contrast, are fighting for scarce budgetary deduction space in order to survive. The reality of the facts, however, is irrelevant to those who only think about making a minimally persuasive campaign speech like Bolsonaro; for those who want to divide the state apparatus among their friends, like PT; or for those who only think about guaranteeing a piece of power, no matter who is in the presidency from 2023 onwards, like Centrão.

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Politics

FBI search causes political storm and could speed up Trump’s re-election

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FBI search causes political storm and could speed up Trump's re-election

Hours after it was revealed that the FBI raided his residence in Mar-a-Lago, Florida, Donald Trump posted a campaign video on his Pravda social network, fueling rumors that he was preparing to announce his re-election to the presidency.

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Donald Trump says he is a “victim” of the FBI. Republicans talk about political attack

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Donald Trump says he is a "victim" of the FBI.  Republicans talk about political attack

Donald Trump says he is a “victim” of the FBI. Republicans talk about political attack

After the FBI ransacked the home of the former President of the United States, early Monday morning Donald Trump, several family members and members of the Republican Party point to illegal police actions and “political persecution.”

“After working and cooperating with the relevant government agencies, this unannounced raid on my home is inappropriate,” Donald Trump said in a statement, accusing Democratic rivals of using the U.S. Department of Justice as a weapon to stop him from doing so. run in the 2024 presidential election.

The children of the former president also spoke out in favor of Trump. Eric and Donald Junior say the FBI’s investigation is worthy of a “third world country” and a “banana republic.”

Former Trump Secretary of State Mike Pompeo believes in a conspiracy against a businessman and political leader: “Overt politicization of the DOJ/FBI is shameful. The Attorney General must explain why these searches delayed justice for 250 years.”

Rep. Ronnie Jackson even says the FBI has “officially become an enemy of the people.”

The FBI is led by Christopher Ray, who was appointed by Donald Trump in 2017. Officially, investigators have not yet commented on the searches, but US media sources indicate that Donald Trump could have taken confidential documents from the White House without permission.

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On political crime and criminal policy – 08.08.2022 – Opinion

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On political crime and criminal policy - 08.08.2022 - Opinion

The escalation of violence that has engulfed the political arena has taken another victim. The birthday party, which had former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) as its theme, ended tragically after a political antagonist intruded and fired a gun, killing the birthday boy. A police spokesman in the case said it was not a political crime.

And how is a murder with a clearly political motive not a political crime? Sometimes there are such things in the law: it has its own logic. This “magic” created by the codes is not always pleasant, but this time we must give a justification to the law.

Attributing a crime to a political one is not limited only to the motivation of the perpetrator, but also to the actual or potential consequences of the action. Thus, it takes a crime to endanger national sovereignty, democracy, territorial integrity, or the head of any of the Union powers. The gruesome murder may have been politically motivated, but the perpetrator’s intended consequences were limited to the party and its members.

There is no rule relating exclusively to political motivation; thus, this type of motivation corresponds to the concept of abomination, which, in the language of criminal law, is a particularly heinous and heinous crime. Since murder qualifies as hooliganism, the crime is punished more severely. Thus, there is no political crime, but there is a crime in politics.

Besides the issue of the infamous crime in politics, there is another dimension, much more complex, that deserves attention: the politics of crime.

The aggressor was reportedly traveling with his wife and child when he fell out with his political opponents. He left them both safely and returned for a rematch. From the killer’s point of view, he was definitely not a killer, but a patriot or some sort of hero against a villain.

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The Manichaean understanding of life, projected into politics, allows for family conflicts, broken friendships, and even marriages, which have been widely reported. Exposing yourself as the bearer of absolute truth allows you to confront the enemy as a hero who must defeat the villain. This kind of absolute contraction is characteristic of religions whose dogmas are guided by love, mercy and tolerance.

Politics, on the other hand, has other dogmas, as it is a stage for disputes over power and ideas. Presenting oneself as the holder of sacred truth outside the religious scene is usually the fuel for the generality of historical atrocities. The politics of crime is born only in the absence of minimum cultural and educational standards, replacing persuasion with knowledge.

There is no other way to suppress criminal politics than to reconsider one’s own convictions, to make room for listening to the opinions of others, no matter how much one wants to convince the other of one’s opinions. In politics, as in science, belief is the worst enemy of consensus, and without a minimum of consensus, there is no nation, only a handful of people shooting at each other.

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Articles published by subscription do not reflect the opinion of the newspaper. Its publication is intended to stimulate discussion of Brazilian and world issues and reflect the various currents of contemporary thought.

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