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Osmar Prado: a serious environmental policy only with a new

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Osmar Prado: a serious environmental policy only with a new

For actor Osmar Prado, who plays the character Velho do Rio in the soap opera. wetland, writes Rede Globo, effective federal government initiatives aimed at preserving the environment in Brazil will only be possible with possible new leadership. “A more coherent policy can only be carried out at the end of the October elections, which will be a plebiscite if we really choose a democratic, progressive front led by President Lula’s coalition,” he said in an interview. Brazil de facto.

As for the possibility of an environmental soap opera raising awareness of the importance of conservation, he points out that there are limitations to such formats. “Can this lead to realization, I don’t know, a feuilleton is a feuilleton, I remember when we revived, the question of agrarian reform was discussed, and one of the conversations of Thiao Galigni with the priest was: “But am I not a son of God? If I am a child of God, do I not have a right to a piece of land? Or are there more children of God than me?” he recalls. “These are the questions people ask themselves: why do the few have so much land and the vast majority have nothing?”

“But I’m honored to play Velho do Rio and I think I can contribute with my interpretation and the incredible things the character says to improve the environment,” he notes.

In addition to the format, Osmar Prado draws attention to the political context of Brazil, which makes it difficult to debate and spread culture. “I do not believe that in the current situation and with this government at the head, from the far right, we can approach this issue in depth. The first thing the captain said [Bolsonaro] What he did was abolish the Ministry of Culture and turn it into a mere secretariat with the catastrophic transition of some people who had taken over secretary portfolios into the current administration, which is what happened.”

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Changes in the Pantanal

The actor also warns of changes in the Pantanal biome between the first version of the soap opera, shown on Manchete in 1990, and the current one. “My impression is that when the first version of the Pantanal was made, there was more water in the 90s. Today we see it here when we walk through the farms and in our crossings through various parts of the Pantanal that it is practically dry,” he says.

“The climate has changed a lot and the cattle are suffering, the animals are suffering, the alligators are leaving their places of origin to bring water for survival, and so many other deviations caused by this clumsy management of this captain who was elected by 57 million votes.” Even in the face of the script, he shows hope with his return. “My hope is that the economy will change with the new government in office and that we can recover and deal with the damage that Brazil is unfortunately suffering today.”

Editing: Talita Pires

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Gustavo Petro talks about changing drug policy in Colombia

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Gustavo Petro talks about changing drug policy in Colombia

In his inaugural address as president, the former senator pledged to send fair tax reform to Congress.

Former Senator Gustavo Petro took office this Sunday (July 7, 2022) as the new President of Colombia. He is the first left-wing politician to lead the country.

Environmental activist and former maid Francia Marquez took over as vice president. She will be the first Afro-Colombian woman to hold the post.

The oath was taken by Senate President Roy Barreras in front of 100,000 people who filled Bolivar Square in the capital Bogota. The ceremony was attended by foreign authorities such as King Felipe VI of Spain.

In his speech, Petro declared that he would create a peaceful government to end “6 Decades of Violence and Armed Conflict”.

The President also stressed that the anti-drug policy needs to be changed. “The time has come to adopt a new international convention that recognizes that the war on drugs has failed. As a result, 1 million Hispanics were killed in these 40 years.”stated.

Petro said he would propose to Congress a fair tax reform that would use some of the wealthiest money to pay for the education of children and youth.

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Planalto controversy sparks debate over gender disparity in politics

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Planalto controversy sparks debate over gender disparity in politics
Plenum of the House on Election Day: few women in a predominantly male environment (photo: Clea Vian/Chamber of Deputies)

For the first time since the redemocratization, Brazil will have two all-female slates in the presidential race, for both the presidency and the vice presidency. The feat came after the confirmation of Mara Gabrilli (PSDB) as a deputy in the campaign of Simone Tebet (MDB-Federao PSDB/Cidadania-Podemos). Another slate woman from PSTU, with Vera Lchia next to the indigenous Kun Ipor. Together with Senator Soraya Tronic (MS), Unio Brasil’s official presidential candidate, this election becomes the election with the largest participation of women in the majority dispute.

The trend should repeat itself in the Legislature, in contrast to what was observed in the 2018 elections, when candidates represented only 32% of the candidates approved by the High Electoral Court (TSE), even with at least 30% of the votes distributed. election fund to ensure representation in elections. This year’s outcome of the October dispute is expected to better reflect the presence of women in Brazilian society, especially in the National Congress and in state legislatures.

Despite the stimulus policy, the National Congress is still not very feminine: the Senate has only 12 senators (15%) with 81 seats. In the Chamber of Deputies, out of 513 seats, only 77 (14.8%) are occupied by women.

In the last election campaign, cases of orange women’s candidacy were recorded in studies by foreign universities University College London and James Madison University. According to a poll, 35% of all female candidates for the Chamber of Deputies in the 2018 elections did not receive 320 votes. The numbers indicate that the candidates did not even campaign and raise suspicions that they were only used to comply with the quota law.

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The study also showed that 20 years after the passage of the Quota Act in 1998, there had been little progress in the representation of women in the House. From 1998 to 2018, the percentage of women MPs increased from 5.6% to 15%. Due to cases like “orange candidacies”, in January of this year, the TSE confirmed the gender quota and tightened electoral rules to ensure that parties effectively comply with the law in 2022.

In previous years, this issue was regulated by the regulations of the TSE itself. However, due to non-compliance with the rule, Constitutional Amendment 117 was adopted in April this year. The law establishes that political parties must allocate at least 30% of the funds of the Special Campaign Finance Fund (SFFC) and mandatory campaigning. on radio and television with their candidates.

In order to further encourage women candidates in the long term, the law provides for the establishment and maintenance of programs to encourage and promote women’s political participation.

little incentive

Luciana Panque, professor and researcher at the Federal University of Parana (UFPR) and external consultant to the Observatory of Women in Politics of the Chamber of Deputies, stresses that, unlike in countries like Mexico, where representation quotas are seats in the Legislature – i.e. after elections – in Brazil binding only for electoral disputes.

“Parties are obliged to nominate women, this does not mean that these candidates are competitive. Often candidates come either fictitious or with small investments,” he explained.

In addition to women’s quotas, other measures aimed at encouraging the representation of an identity can be seen in elections. Electoral lawyer and researcher at the National Observatory of Women in Politics of the Chamber of Deputies Carla Rodriguez identifies three main initiatives.

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“Dual voting for blacks and women to allocate the party fund and campaign fund should encourage parties to put forward more competitive female candidates, that is, they will invest in women with political capital. The Law on Combating Political Violence Against Women, a global and previously unseen phenomenon, also contributes to underrepresentation,” the lawyer explained.

According to experts, the inclusion of women in politics is a problem due to the lack of support and promotion of interests in this topic. So says political scientist Beatriz Finochio, who opposes quotas for female candidates as an interference that could encourage corruption.

“The role of women in modern politics, as well as interests. The way a society works, where even women cannot have an opinion, has recently changed. But now, for her to go from a voter to a candidate, a path. It’s good when there are women in politics, but it would be even better if we trained people regardless of gender,” the academician argues.

For University of Brasilia (UnB) political science graduate student Brenda Barreto, underrepresentation begins in the internal organization of the parties themselves. “The scenario of women’s underrepresentation at the national level, which we see, begins with the entry of women into the party. If we look at who are the chairmen of the parties, there are practically no women at the national level,” he said. outside.

The support of men is a fundamental reason for the success of existing public policies. However, coordinator of the Brazilian section of the Women’s Democracy Network (WDN/Brazil), Silvia Rita de Souza, sees that sometimes men feel cornered by the fact that the space is occupied by a large number of female figures.

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“When it comes to the political space, men feel cornered because in order for someone to enter, someone has to leave. They feel that they are losing space, and many do not understand the struggle, ”he appreciated.

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Center is not destiny – Opinion

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Civil society has risen to loudly and clearly declare that a democratic regime, won at the cost of much suffering, is non-negotiable and that its defense is above political and ideological differences that can divide citizens. Understandably, President Jair Bolsonaro’s authoritarian delusions may haunt him through sleepless nights and stimulate the imagination of the libertic fanatics who still support him, but it doesn’t go beyond that. Undermining the constitutional order that the President of the Republic has dreamed of in order to sustain himself over time will require a certain strength – material and political – and a spectrum of support that Bolsonaro certainly does not and will not have.

This was evident from the mass commitment of the population to Letter to Brazilians and Braziliansa civic manifesto organized by the Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo in defense of the rule of law democratic state and electoral justice.

BUT Map idealized in Largo de São Francisco, has the historical merit of uniting the various representative strata of society – capital and labor – around a staunch defense of democracy and periodic elections. But Bolsonaro’s attacks on the e-voting system and the holding of the next election itself are only the most pressing problems facing Brazilian democracy.

Once the next elections are held and their results are approved by the Electoral Court and recognized by all decent people in the country, as happened without incident in recent decades, the way the country is run will need to be redesigned. If the current model, in which government guarantors weaken the executive power and control the budget without any transparency and respect for voters and taxpayers, is maintained, then one cannot speak of democratic strength, even if the elections are the cleanest and the fair of history.

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How a budget is made and executed is at the heart of democracy as it concerns diligence with public money and debate about the purpose of these scarce resources. When the budget is dominated by a handful of parties and leaders who take it upon themselves to choose how and where public money is spent without being accountable to citizens, one cannot speak of democracy.

Thus, the struggle for democracy is also fighting to ensure that the allocation of billions of reais from public resources is subject to national interests, and not to the limitations of Centrão. To defend democracy in a presidential country is to save the authority of the future President of the Republic from being the great inductor of the national agenda. This was lost due to the moral and political weakness of the incumbent. Among the many evils he has caused, Bolsonaro has reduced Brazilian democracy to a humiliating level, and there is no indication that if re-elected, he will be able to do otherwise. Thus, his reappointment will doom Brazilian democracy to a long winter.

However, there are many who believe that whoever takes over as president from 2023 will remain as it is. Perhaps out of apathy, it is assumed that Brazil is doomed to live under the yoke of this predatory device. Nothing further from the truth.

It is entirely possible that relations between the President and Congress will be minimally Republican. Contrary to appearances, the pernicious association of Bolsonaro and Centrão, and before him the criminal consortium between PT and monthly workers, are not the only ways to run the country. History shows that the formation of government coalitions does not necessarily involve corruption or the transfer of power to parliamentarians lacking public spirit. We are talking about the division of power, which is absolutely normal in a democracy. The anomaly, which has come to a paroxysm in the present government, lies in the false purpose which enlivens the exercise of all this power. And this is what needs to be changed. United by such a common cause, society is able to give Brazil the fate it wants.

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