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Musk says he prefers a ‘less polarized’ politician than Trump



Musk says he prefers a 'less polarized' politician than Trump

Two days after he said he would lift a measure that banned former U.S. President Donald Trump from using Twitter, businessman Elon Musk tried to signal that he might not be a Republican supporter if he decides to run for executive office again in 2024. year.

The speech of the billionaire who bought the platform last month for $44 billion (225 billion reais at the current price), it is not surprising that it appeared in tweets published on Thursday night (12). In messages, he confirmed that he advocates the return of the politician on the social network.

“While I believe a less polarized candidate is better chosen in 2024, I still believe that Trump should restore his Twitter account,” Musk wrote. He then tweeted to criticize the man who defeated a Republican in an election two years ago. “Mistake [Joe] Biden in that he thinks he was elected to transform the country, when in reality everyone just wanted less drama.”

Last Tuesday (10) the richest man in the world said at an event Newspaper “Financial Times” who considers the measure to bar the former Republican president from the podium, adopted as a result of comments made about the January 6, 2021 Capitol invasion, a mistake.

“It was a morally bad decision and eminently stupid. It alienated much of the country and ultimately did not result in Donald Trump losing his voice.”

Commenting on the announcement, the White House said Twitter should decide whether a Republican should ban the account and emphasized the importance of social media protecting freedom of expression and not becoming platforms for disinformation.

On the same day that the platform accepted Musk’s billion dollar offer, Trump even said he was not interested in restoring his profile. In an interview with Fox News, the politician said that he was officially integrating his own social network, Truth Social. “I’m not going to Twitter, I’m staying in Truth. But I hope Elon buys Twitter because he’s going to improve and he’s a good person.”

The billionaire defines himself as a free speech advocate, and so while he hasn’t objectively specified his plans for the social network, it’s speculated that he may be cutting down on the levels of moderation imposed by the platform in recent years, in part to curb the spread of misinformation and hate speech.

Musk already assumed he voted for Barack Obama, but this year he said the Democratic Party was “taken over by extremists.” In 2020, he even endorsed the presidential candidacy of Andrew Yang, who dropped out before the Democrats nominated Biden and then did not publicly announce the vote.​

Twitter permanently banned Trump’s account in early 2021, just days after crowds rose up over him storming the US Capitol during a Joe Biden victory.

The company explained at the time that it had decided to suspend the 88 million followers profile after “detailed analysis of recent messages from the account.” [de Trump] and context around them. Twitter Safety, which takes care of the security of the platform, justified the ban, saying that the structure of the social network exists to allow users to directly listen to world leaders, but that “these accounts are not above the rules.” “They can’t use Twitter to incite violence.”

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The suspension was part of a movement by several social networks that also temporarily or not blocked the accounts of the former president. Since the attack on Capitol Hill, companies have come under intense pressure due to their role in spreading fake news and inciting hatred.

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PF will investigate Moro for electoral fraud; A politician is as bad as a judge – 05/17/2022



PF will investigate Moro for electoral fraud;  A politician is as bad as a judge - 05/17/2022

O Former judge Sergio Moro and his “conja” Rosangela Moro were prosecuted on suspicion of electoral fraud. The investigation will be conducted by the Federal Police. If found guilty, they may be sentenced to imprisonment for up to five years and a fine of 5 to 15 days, as provided for in Article 289 of the Electoral Code, namely:
“Art. 289. Fraudulent voter registration:
Punishment – imprisonment for up to five years and a fine from five to 15 days.

The decision is made by prosecutor Reinaldo Mapelli Junior of the São Paulo Public Electoral Ministry. But what is really the catch? Transfer from Curitiba to Sao Paulo of the duo’s residence. As is known, infamous and widely known – especially in the courts – the couple lives in Curitiba and has all their connections there, including workers.

The justifications that the two presented to the Electoral Ministry in an attempt to prove links to the city of São Paulo did not convince prosecutor Mapelli Junior, who decided an investigation was necessary. He lays out the reasons on 19 pages. Trust me, the “shame of others” comes out when we read. And these are two lawyers – one of them is a former judge …

The investigation by the Electoral Prosecutor’s Office began with the presentation of a piece of news actually formulated by businesswoman Roberta Moreira Luchsinger. She listed widely reported facts in the press pointing to the possible fraudulent transfer of residence in the elections by both Moro and Rosangela. The relevant defense sent explanations to the prosecutor, but he considered them insufficient. Wrote:
“The explanations presented by SERGIO FERNANDO MORO and ROSANGELA MARIA WOLF QUADROS DE MORO, at this stage of total knowledge and the predominance of the principle in dubio pro societate, are understood as the public interest in investigating alleged criminal acts, when there are signs of authorship and materiality – not to convince, imposing the need deepening the investigation for a better understanding of the facts.

And that’s why PF will come into play. And what explanations did not convince? We will see.

1: Last minute lease agreement
As the only evidence of his connection with the city of São Paulo, Moro presented a real estate lease signed by Rosangela on March 28. She changed her electoral residence on the 29th; he, 30. Among other things, the prosecutor wants the terms of this contract to be examined to see if it really reflects reality: after all, the couple lives in São Paulo?

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And it was at this point that the duo seemed to shoot themselves in the foot.

2: Efficient communication with the city of Sao Paulo.
The Prosecutor notes that the jurisprudence of the Electoral Court does not in fact limit the electoral residence to the civil residence. Other ties are also being considered: affective, family, professional, community, etc. This is what is contained in article 23 of resolution 23.659/2021. It just so happens that the breadth and fluidity of the bonding concept doesn’t justify MMA.

The prosecutor notes that, according to the law, two requirements are necessary to confirm the electoral residence:
1: that the connection is real, that is: it cannot be a mere drop in legislation;
2: that it exists for at least three months at the time of transfer.

While it is common knowledge and knowledge that the couple lives in Curitiba and made their careers there, the duo claims such “links” to São Paulo. Which?

– received the Order of Ipirangi, the degree of the Grand Cross;
– received honorary titles of citizens of the cities of Sorocaba, Rio Grande da Serra and Itaquaquecetuba;
– worked for Álvarez & Marsal, which has an office in Sao Paulo;
– used a room in the Continental Hotel as his political office.

Are you ashamed, reader? I do not live!

The promoter notes:
“At least at this stage of the investigation, when witnesses have not yet been heard and no additional corroborating evidence has been collected, SERGIO MORO’s weak argument that he has a connection with the city of São Paulo cannot be accepted, since he received honors in accordance with the documents presented to them. — one from the Grand Cross of the Order of Ipiranga is a state award, and others from other cities of São Paulo, not from São Paulo/SP (Sorocaba, Rio Grande da Serra and Itaquaquecetuba) — ; or who was employed by Alvarez & Marsal is a company for which he provided services for a short period of time in the United States, which is headquartered in New York, which is irrelevant as it obviously has an office in the city of Sao Paulo – ; or even that he may have participated in some political meetings at the Continental da Alameda Santos hotel no. , documents to be reviewed as they are not final)”.

It should be noted that even in pointing out these “links” to São Paulo, Moro limited himself to presenting his wife’s lease as a unique link to the city. Technical issues have been reported and will be investigated.

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And what about Rosangela Moro’s connections with the city of São Paulo? What will they be? Can I help! Promoter writes:
“The argument that ROSANGELA will have a connection with São Paulo/SP seems very fragile for the development of work with CASA HUNTER from 12/15/2016, the famous Brazilian association for the protection of people with rare diseases and disabilities (Contract for the Provision of Advocates), nothing worthwhile, including the authorship of the book “Rare Diseases and Public Policy: Understand, Welcome and Participate”, published by Editora Matriz in March 2020, as evidenced by research on the world wide web, because what electoral legislation requires is effective communication with the city that also in relation to this point of contention (employment in a company based in Sao Paulo) should be investigated in the course of an investigation aimed at establishing the truth.”

You read it right: elective residency seems to have become as arbitrary for Moro and his gang as Curitiba’s right to judge whatever he wants when he was a judge of the 13th Federal Court. See there: Rosangela is a lawyer for an organization based in São Paulo and this will create a “bond”.

The prosecutor notes that both “admittedly residents, lawyers and politicians of the City of Curitiba/PR” in that “transferred directly from the computerized voter registration system to the polling house for the 5th electoral zone of São Paulo – Jardim Paulista, using only a lease agreement for part of the building located at Rua João Cachoeira nº 292, signed shortly before, apparently for the purpose of confirmation of residence as the basis for choosing the municipality of São Paulo”.

And continues: “They say they live there, as indicated in the power of attorney issued by the famous lawyers, a situation that in itself requires a criminal investigation to verify whether the registration was fraudulent or not, since the behavior is characterized as an electoral crime (Article 289 of the Electoral Code), including taking into account the obvious fragility of other links, assumed a posteriori (…).”

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Prosecutor Mapelli Junior recalls that a minimum bail period of three months is a direct legal requirement under section 38, section III, of Ordinance 23,659 of the High Electoral Court, which invokes section 8, section III, of Law 6,996.

In the official document for the new electoral residence, it should be repeated, the couple presented only the lease agreement concluded the day before and on the eve of the respective transfers.

This is not the case when the severity of the then Judge Moreau is contrasted with, what should I call it?, the promiscuity of the politician Moreau. And I do not make such a contrast for a simple reason: I did not consider Judge Moro Severo. I realized—and the Supreme Court decisions proved me right—that he was practicing illegal activities, which is the opposite of strictness.

Therefore, it seems to me that the politician Moreau, like Judge Moreau, reads the law at his own discretion. I do not know if your candidacy, if any, will be rejected. Tell me: does a two-day lease characterize electoral housing? Receiving commendations and citizenship titles, as well as meeting at the hotel, show a connection with the city of São Paulo? If the answer is no, Moreau and Rosangela committed the crime, according to the case law, even if they were not applied. The protected asset, as the promoter points out, is the voter register, which cannot be fooled. Although in the sequel, the couple will drink chicabon instead of running for office.

And what did Moreau say now that the federal police are investigating him? He preferred to attack Lulu as if the former president was responsible for the story he told the election judge. Posted on Twitter:
“There is nothing illegal in my new electoral address. It is the right of every Brazilian to change. No problem, I will provide all the necessary information. Now this interrogation is strange, while the candidacy of a convict in 3 instances is interpreted naturally.”

Apparently, he pretends that the STP, which overturned Lule’s convictions, declaring him an incompetent and suspicious judge, is not among the “instances” of justice. And why did the court do this? Because it seems that Judge Moreau was just as unorthodox as the politician Moreau when it comes to enforcing the law.

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Selective justice supports Luciano Hanga’s political rights



Selective justice supports Luciano Hanga's political rights

TRE-RS denied a request to strip the owner of Havan of the right to abuse economic power; businessman says he won’t apply

The TRE-RS (Regional Electoral Court of Rio Grande do Sul) rejected this Monday (May 16, 2022) a request to have businessman Luciano Hanga, owner of Havan shops, declared incompetent.

The court ruled on the request of PT, PC do B, PDT and PL. The parties said Hang abused economic power by making statements about the 2020 Santa Rosa (RS) municipal elections. These statements may have influenced the outcome of the election, the parties say.

On this occasion, the businessman said that “PT and the left are champions of bureaucracy”. He also said building a Havan store in Santa Rosa would only be possible if Anderson Mantei, then the PP candidate, won the race for mayor. The politician has been elected.

“Manteil is at the forefront of research. Please upvote. What is a useful vote, Luciano? A useful vote is to vote for who will be the first to defeat the left in their municipality so that this trouble does not return […] On the 15th, vote for Mantei, and then, in the next few months, Havan will be here, I’m sure of it.”Hang said.

7 judges of the TER-RS, responsible for considering the case, considered that there were no violations in the speech of the businessman.

Although he is eligible, Hang is not expected to run in the 2022 elections. The name was supposed to run for a Senate seat in Santa Catarina. However, in March he announced that he would not run.

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Owner of Havana. said on his Twitter profile what the solution is “victory” freedom of speech. “Congratulations to the members of TRE-RS on the implementation of the Constitution, the protection of the right to freedom of thought.”he said.

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Bolsonarism uses Telegram to destabilize



Bolsonarism uses Telegram to destabilize

One topic that has not come out of the mouth of President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) is the perceived fragility of electronic voting machines as a way to delegitimize the Brazilian electoral process. In the same vein, this issue also dominates far-right Telegram groups.

Leticia Cesarino, Professor of Anthropology and Graduate Program in Social Anthropology (PPGAS) at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), studies Bolsonarist behavior in groups in depth and points out: [assuntos] more generally, the programs and narratives that stand out in the set of groups and channels that we analyze should not necessarily refer to a direct accusation of electoral fraud, but to the delegitimization of institutionality that guarantees the outcome of elections. “.

See also: Heleno, Ramos and Abin have been conducting an attack on electronic voting machines since 2019, notes PF.

:: Deconstructing lies: Electronic voting machines are verifiable and safer than printed ballots ::

“And it is the ultra-right, allies of President Jair Bolsonaro, who dominate this environment. On these more underground platforms like Telegram, the right is completely dominated. The way they market themselves as content producers has to do with revealing the truth that the media is hiding. And that’s how they win the loyalty of their followers,” he adds.

The idea of ​​”revealing the truth” also sets the tone for Bolsonaro’s actions. Last July, the retired captain promised to present evidence of alleged electoral fraud during the 2018 elections. The incumbent then said that he would in fact have won the election in the first round. However, shortly thereafter, the “truth” revealed turned out to be nothing more than old and false claims that electronic voting machines had completed voting for the PT number in absentia at the voters’ choice.

Check out the interview with Leticia Cesarino below.

Brazil de Fato: What has changed since the 2018 presidential election to date regarding the production and dissemination of disinformation on social media in Brazil, especially considering the extreme right?

Letizia Cesarino: The machine runs at full speed but looks different than it did in 2018 when it had an expansive nature. After she hit [a máquina] succeeded in expanding beyond those segmented groups and influencers more rooted in Bolsonaris. Mostly through WhatsApp one can see a very large capillarity of the campaign.

This year, when it comes to re-election, with four years in office, a pandemic, Lula’s return to the race, Bolsonarism is having a hard time. The ecosystem was shrinking in size compared to what it was in the campaign. But apparently, they “replenish” the electoral machine itself, just like in 2018.

Fake news and misinformation reveal how the Bolsonaro government is handling the pandemic / Reproduction Arte IQC

Now this model of using the machine has changed not only to increase the electoral base, but also to destabilize the very legitimacy of the elections. This has always been the case, including with this issue of electoral fraud. That was always one of the narratives, but at that moment it didn’t matter because Bolsonaro won and he had a lot of support.

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This year, the agenda has taken shape and, at least according to the data we work with the Telegram platform, it is undoubtedly the dominant agenda this year. You [assuntos] more generally, the programs and narratives that stand out in the set of groups and channels that we analyze should not necessarily refer to a direct accusation of electoral fraud, but to the delegitimization of institutionality that guarantees the outcome of elections. .

On September 7, for example, the question of a health passport came to the fore, but in a certain way crossover with a program of electoral fraud. There were rumors that unvaccinated people would not be allowed to vote. So even if it’s not their agenda [naquele momento]The topic has been discussed since at least September.

The Internet environment in which fake news is produced and distributed seems to belong to the extreme right. The left, on the other hand, does not seem to have power over this territory. That’s all? Can one also find the industries left behind this production and distribution?

These more underground platforms like Telegram are dominated by the all-out right wing, it’s on a different scale. This is the right niche, and it will remain so, because they operate there. The political left has an interface with the mainstream media that the right, from MPs down, does not. They are nowhere to be found, except on the Internet. The niche belongs to them. So no matter how much the left grows, it remains their niche.

::Polls and Democracy: What Bolsonarist’s Print Vote Demand Shows::

The way they market themselves as content producers, pseudo-journalists, is about revealing the truth that the media is hiding. It makes no sense for them to move away from this, because this is how they attract consumers, declaring that after the Internet, the media will never again be able to hide anything. And that is how they earn the loyalty of their followers. This is typical of the media. On the left, not so much. There is one or another conspiracy channel, but they cannot be compared in scale.

Can the left somehow resist this dominance?

You can greatly increase the occupancy, but it is difficult to reach their level without crossing certain ethical and even legal boundaries. They will always be at the forefront, because there is no limit to distortion and sensationalism, because it is based on efficiency. If the media goes viral, the content will follow suit and the trend is for the sensation to go viral. This is the differential of these media in relation to the mainstream media.

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But it is important to fight at least to take advantage of this advantage that the far right has. The left is improving, but it’s a matter of organicity. The left needs organic channels. It doesn’t make sense for PT to have a great communications strategy to speak the language of the internet if it doesn’t have an organic network of creators.

Bolsonaro is strictly following the strategy adopted by the American far right, insisting on charges of voter fraud that resulted in his election as president in 2018 / Antonio Augusto/Ascom/TSE

The organic web got its right thanks to this normal circulation. The issue of threats is very important because it keeps people connected beyond the issue of information disclosure. Now it’s possible to have it on the left, and it should be too. This disclosure bias can be exploited further.

In 2018, WhatsApp was a very important platform for the dissemination of fake political and election news. Has it changed somehow? Can we name important new platforms for this network of production and dissemination of disinformation?

Changed, changed a lot. The platforms that were important in 2018, WhatsApp and Facebook, remain important, but the ecosystem as a whole has diversified. We have, for example, TikTok, which, although not big, has investments from Bolsonaro. Instagram itself, which is not often used for political purposes, is associated with bolsonarism, with misinformation about early treatment, alternative sciences and anti-vaccination programs.

See also: Understand why Bolsonarism is trying to feed the contest to electronic voting machines

Bolsonarism has diversified into different platforms. For example, Telegram is one of the most underground, with very closed and radical groups. We are trying to consider the relationship between these more closed segments, which we call refracted, with a more superficial segment, such as Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, which, by all indications, are more important than Telegram in terms of capillarity.

This investment by Bolsonaro in TikTok is clear. Youtube has the nature of producing fake news, while WhatsApp has the nature of broadcasting. Come to think of it, what is the role of TikTok?

TikTok already has specialized content. But it’s usually disguised content that sits in that gray area between entertainment and political propaganda. The network has this profile, but quantitatively it is still not important. Now TikTok videos are also being distributed on WhatsApp, so there is traffic too.

What about other more alternative platforms used by the extreme right?

This is another clearer pattern that didn’t exist in 2018: alternative platforms like Gettr, Rumble, BitChute and others that are copying other platforms.”inclusion” [dominantes] how they began to tighten content moderation, ban channels, ban content from Twitter itself. So they started moving to these alternative platforms, which they didn’t have in 2018.

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Blogger Allan dos Santos, an ally of President Bolsonaro, is under investigation in Brazil for spreading fake news / Reproduction

One thing that has changed is that the content feels more spontaneous, in the sense that in 2018 this style of campaign or this language for politics was new. So, at first, the content was closely related to what the press called the “hate office”, which we still don’t know exactly who is behind it. Four years later, the president’s own supporters organically included this working modecopying yourself.

And then there is another model that already existed in 2018 but is becoming more and more obvious, and that is the monetization issue, mostly related to YouTube. So for many of these activists, it really became a kind of entrepreneurship. There is even a certainmainstreamingfrom this right. They are already colonizing media niches within the public sphere itself.

You were talking about YouTube. What is the size and importance of Youtube today in creating and spreading misinformation?

Telegram circulates a lot of links to YouTube video channels. YouTube assumes it has control over the platform, which it doesn’t because it’s connected to everyone else. Bolsonarism takes advantage of this.

See also: Eduardo Bolsonaro and the Bolsonarists lead fake news against the elections

We see that the number of Youtube in Telegram is five to six times greater than on the second platform, which is Telegram itself. In other words, the second most common platform is Telegram itself, and Youtube is the first, only it is far ahead. There are relationships there that are structural even between the two of them. So the role of YouTube is very big because YouTube monetizes it.

What is a long tail and what does it mean?

The long tail is small. This is a very fragmented network structure, consisting of many small ones and a few large ones. [produtores de conteúdo, sejam grupos ou indivíduos] there. On YouTube, we see the same pattern, with the three or four large Bolsonarismo channels getting the most links, with 60% to 70% scattered across small to medium channels that are trying to gain attention and scale within an extreme ecosystem. is their medium to eventually become one of those big channels for monetization.

What is the interface between Telegram and Youtube? Out of 100 channels, 10 are large channels with hundreds of thousands of views, and the vast majority, the long tail, are smaller channels that don’t yet have that scale to monetize, but are trying that scale.

Editing: Felipe Mendez

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