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Colombia: How the Left Rekindled Hope

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Colombia: How the Left Rekindled Hope

Per Javier Castro Cruz e Jaime Brothel GilEm Bounce | Translation: Roni Rodriguez

A historic pact, the left-wing candidate led by Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez leads all polls and is already starting with an advantage with a strong showing in the March 13 legislative elections. The left has never been so close to power in a very conservative country where a bloody conflict between the Colombian state and guerrillas has blocked progressive alternatives.

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Today, however, Colombian society has changed a lot, and the left’s agenda of redistribution, peace, and fighting corruption seems to be seducing the general population, especially the youth. accusations of partisans from the right no longer have the effect they had before, and, paradoxically, the left’s stance on the armed conflict has become one of their greatest assets in the face of the electoral dispute. The Colombian left has become the political option most committed to peace, and its commitment to the 2016 Accords is the strongest of any candidate represented in this Sunday’s May 29th election.

On the other side of the political spectrum, the right is in deep crisis, meaning that for the first time in years, uribismo is not running its own candidate. The political current led by former President Alvaro Uribe, to which current President Ivan Duque belongs, had a mandate that would be better forgotten. [para a direita]marked by social unrest and ongoing protests against his government. His mismanagement of the country, coupled with the conviction of Alvaro Uribe for witness bribery and procedural fraud, has left this political space in a more delicate position than ever.

In this context, the candidacy led by Petro succeeded in offering a horizon of change that is more in line with the desire for peace and the demands for social justice that Colombian society has been proclaiming on the streets of late.

November 21: The explosion that changed everything

November 21, 2019 was an important milestone in the history of social mobilization in Colombia. What initially began as a national strike organized by trade unions against the neo-liberal economic measures of the Duque government soon became a symbol of discontent with the government. Various organized movements in society, such as students, feminists, people of African descent, indigenous and peasant communities, took to the streets and staged a series of mass marches that lasted three weeks and provoked a social explosion that will break out with great force in 2021. , after parentheses imposed by the pandemic.

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Sanda Borda, author of the book stop to move forward, describes how the historical character of the marches lies in the many, varied and unusual nature of the mobilizations, the result of a profound transformation of the political culture and social protest in Colombia created during the peace process. The dynamism of the mobilization itself has made it possible to bring together endless demands, such as combating youth insecurity, full application of the 2016 Peace Accords, condemnation of violence against community leaders, the struggle of women or the rights of indigenous peoples. communities. A whole mosaic of demands that contributed to the political activation of the youth, who were already actively present during the agreements and in the mobilizations that preceded the uprising. This phenomenon has been reflected in the political sphere, and, as happened in Chile with Gabriel Borich, young people are the age group most supportive of the Historical Pact. A factor that can be fundamental to getting a good result in the first round.

One of the great virtues of the Historical Pact was the understanding of the changes that had taken place in Colombian society in recent years, in response to the many new demands that arose as a result of the social uprising. According to the latest reports from the Latin American Center for Geopolitical Studies (CELAG), corruption and poverty are the country’s top concerns for Colombians, with only 15% listing crime and drug trafficking as the number one. A context that clearly favors the left, which has been out of power for decades and has a program to redistribute wealth and reduce social inequality, unlike the right, which has been heavily discredited since Ivan Duque came to power.

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A crisis on right

The resumption of the nationwide strike in April 2021 after the announcement of the tax reform resulted in the consolidation of two trends: the ability of the left to expand its electoral base and the discrediting of Urib’s right. On the one hand, the left was able to expand its space by adding the socio-economic demands that arose from the mobilization of the popular strata; on the other hand, the Right was sinking deeper and deeper into a crisis of projects and leadership that they could not yet resolve.

This crisis is expressed in the candidacy of Federico “Fico” Gutierrez, a non-partisan candidate who, despite the support of Alvaro Uribe’s party, tried to appear as little as possible with the former president. In the same vein, some gestures, such as the election of Rodrigo Lara, elector Sim no plebiscite [para o processo de paz com a guerrilha]like the VP formula. And, ironically, merging sectors close to former President Uribe could jeopardize one of Gutiérrez’s candidacy’s main goals: to win the political center. If the right wants to be able to govern, they will seduce the center, which in 2018 was afraid to vote for Petro and chose Ivan Duque.

The problem is that this is a more difficult mission than ever for an uribismo-backed candidate who not only had a disastrous economic mandate, but also posed every possible obstacle to the implementation of the 2016 Peace Accords. A difficult and recurring question on the right. for they were one of the main points of discontinuity between the more moderate current and those closer to the former President Santos, who imposed them on his government, and others who considered them to be the stock of guerrillas led by Alvaro Uribe. Thus, this will undoubtedly be one of the issues on which Fico Gutiérrez distances himself from Uribe and his clan, as was seen a few weeks ago when he stated that his government would abide by the peace agreements.

The final stretch of the campaign, Fico Gutierrez hopes, will be marked by a certain balance with the Democratic Center, the party of Alvaro Uribe. Trying not to get into the frame without knocking out the sectors that he also needs to win will be a difficult task. There will also be leftists, more united than ever before, who seek to break the historical cycle and start a phase of change in the country.

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Um historical pact

Nominating a single candidacy was no easy task for the Colombian left. The historical pact was born out of an imperfect heterogeneity, as Luciana Cadahya points out, involving various parties and movements with the goal of accepting the desire for change in Colombia. Far from a revolutionary program, the coalition led by Peter seeks to formulate a social bloc capable of strengthening democracy and peace in the country. Reforming the welfare model, advancing agrarian and tax reforms, improving public education, returning to the public health system, or moving away from extractive industries are some of the equity and social justice challenges that a possible progressive government will face.

The development of social and ethnic leadership, formed during the peace agreements in the territories, was another key to the success of the Historical Pact. The protagonist provided to these figures allowed the coalition to single out numerous sectors and cease to be permanently associated with the guerrillas. Perhaps the most obvious example is Francia Marquez. Vice presidential candidate Gustavo Petro has become a real political phenomenon after her incredible performance in cross-party consultations. While her social and political leadership was strengthened in her community’s environmental rights to the territory and in her opposition to forced evictions, her candidacy was also able to represent the struggles of Colombian feminist and anti-racist movements.

This heterogeneity is today the greatest asset of the Historical Pact. An opportunity to present a series of struggles ranging from the classical left to feminist, anti-racist and environmental movements. The historic pact seeks to be the voice of thousands of sentiments for peaceful change in Colombia.

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The dollar continues to reflect the political scenario

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The dollar continues to reflect the political scenario

Yesterday, financial agents evaluated the opposite decision of the Federal Supreme Court (STF) regarding the so-called secret budget. In addition, a decision was made by STF Minister Gilmar Méndez to issue an injunction that would exclude the Bolsa Família from the spending cap rule, with investors trying to understand how this measure would affect the processing of the transitional PEC in the Chamber of Deputies. Oh this PEC!!!!

Since he is an exchange investor, any reading that the budget will be exceeded or become more flexible will negatively affect the exchange market, whether through the PEC or in any other way. We will continue with volatility today.

Looking beyond, the US Central Bank (Fed), although slowing down the pace of monetary tightening at its December meeting, issued a tougher-than-expected statement warning that its fight against inflation was not yet over, raising fears that rising US interest rates will push the world’s largest economy into recession.

The currency market continues to react to political news. The voting on the PEC is saved for today. It is expected that it will indeed be reviewed to open the way tomorrow for discussions on the 2023 budget.

Yesterday, the spot price closed the selling day at R$5.3103.

For today on the calendar we will have an index of consumer confidence in the eurozone. Good luck and good luck in business!!

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Andrés Sánchez consults with the Ministry of Sports, but refuses a political post.

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The former president of the Corinthians dreams of working for the CBF as a national team coordinator. He was consulted shortly after Lula’s election.

Former Corinthians president Andrés Sánchez was advised to take a position in the Ministry of Sports under the administration of Lula (PT). However, he ruled out a return to politics. dreams of taking over the coordination of CBF selectionHow do you know PURPOSE.

No formal invitation was made to the former Corinthian representative, only a consultation on a portfolio opportunity with the new federal government, which will be sworn in on January 1, 2023.

Andrés was the Federal MP for São Paulo from 2015 to 2019. At that time he was elected by the Workers’ Party. However, the football manager begs to stay in the sport, ruling out the possibility of getting involved in politics again.

Andrés Sanchez’s desire is to fill the position of CBF tackle coordinator, which should become vacant after the 2022 World Cup. Juninho Paulista fulfills this function in Brazil’s top football institution.

The former president of Corinthians was in Qatar to follow the World Cup along with other figures in Brazilian football. During his time in the country, he strengthened his ties with the top leadership of the CBF.

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The EU has reached a political agreement on limiting gas prices – 19.12.2022

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Germany sentenced Russian to life imprisonment for political murder by order of Moscow - 12/15/2021
BRUSSELS, DECEMBER 19 (ANSA). European Union countries reached a political agreement on Monday (19) to impose a natural gas price ceiling of 180 euros per megawatt hour (MWh). The main sources of income for Russia and the minimization of the use of energy as a weapon by the regime of Vladimir Putin.

The agreement was approved by a supermajority at a ministerial meeting of member states in Brussels, Belgium, after months of discussions about the best way to contain the rise in natural gas prices in the bloc caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. .

The value set by the countries is well below the proposal made by the European Commission, the EU’s executive body, in November: 275 EUR/MWh. However, the countries leading the cap campaign were in favor of an even lower limit, around 100 EUR/MWh.

Germany, always wary of price controls, voted in favor of 180 euros, while Austria and the Netherlands, also skeptical of the cap, abstained. Hungary, the most pro-Russian country in the EU, voted against.

The instrument will enter into force on 15 February, but only if natural gas prices on the Amsterdam Stock Exchange exceed 180 euros/MWh for three consecutive days. In addition, the difference compared to a number of global benchmarks should be more than 35 euros.

Italy, the EU’s biggest supporter of the ceiling, has claimed responsibility for the measure. “This is a victory for Italy, which believed and worked for us to reach this agreement,” Environment and Energy Minister Gilberto Picetto tweeted.

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“This is a victory for Italian and European citizens who demand energy security,” he added.

Currently, the gas price in Amsterdam is around 110 EUR/MWh, which is already a reflection of the agreement in Brussels – in August the figure even broke the barrier of 340 EUR/MWh.

However, Russia has already threatened to stop exports to countries that adhere to the ceiling. (ANSA).

See more news, photos and videos at www.ansabrasil.com.br.

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