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Bolsonarism uses Telegram to destabilize

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Bolsonarism uses Telegram to destabilize

One topic that has not come out of the mouth of President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) is the perceived fragility of electronic voting machines as a way to delegitimize the Brazilian electoral process. In the same vein, this issue also dominates far-right Telegram groups.

Leticia Cesarino, Professor of Anthropology and Graduate Program in Social Anthropology (PPGAS) at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), studies Bolsonarist behavior in groups in depth and points out: [assuntos] more generally, the programs and narratives that stand out in the set of groups and channels that we analyze should not necessarily refer to a direct accusation of electoral fraud, but to the delegitimization of institutionality that guarantees the outcome of elections. “.

See also: Heleno, Ramos and Abin have been conducting an attack on electronic voting machines since 2019, notes PF.

:: Deconstructing lies: Electronic voting machines are verifiable and safer than printed ballots ::

“And it is the ultra-right, allies of President Jair Bolsonaro, who dominate this environment. On these more underground platforms like Telegram, the right is completely dominated. The way they market themselves as content producers has to do with revealing the truth that the media is hiding. And that’s how they win the loyalty of their followers,” he adds.

The idea of ​​”revealing the truth” also sets the tone for Bolsonaro’s actions. Last July, the retired captain promised to present evidence of alleged electoral fraud during the 2018 elections. The incumbent then said that he would in fact have won the election in the first round. However, shortly thereafter, the “truth” revealed turned out to be nothing more than old and false claims that electronic voting machines had completed voting for the PT number in absentia at the voters’ choice.

Check out the interview with Leticia Cesarino below.

Brazil de Fato: What has changed since the 2018 presidential election to date regarding the production and dissemination of disinformation on social media in Brazil, especially considering the extreme right?

Letizia Cesarino: The machine runs at full speed but looks different than it did in 2018 when it had an expansive nature. After she hit [a máquina] succeeded in expanding beyond those segmented groups and influencers more rooted in Bolsonaris. Mostly through WhatsApp one can see a very large capillarity of the campaign.

This year, when it comes to re-election, with four years in office, a pandemic, Lula’s return to the race, Bolsonarism is having a hard time. The ecosystem was shrinking in size compared to what it was in the campaign. But apparently, they “replenish” the electoral machine itself, just like in 2018.


Fake news and misinformation reveal how the Bolsonaro government is handling the pandemic / Reproduction Arte IQC

Now this model of using the machine has changed not only to increase the electoral base, but also to destabilize the very legitimacy of the elections. This has always been the case, including with this issue of electoral fraud. That was always one of the narratives, but at that moment it didn’t matter because Bolsonaro won and he had a lot of support.

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This year, the agenda has taken shape and, at least according to the data we work with the Telegram platform, it is undoubtedly the dominant agenda this year. You [assuntos] more generally, the programs and narratives that stand out in the set of groups and channels that we analyze should not necessarily refer to a direct accusation of electoral fraud, but to the delegitimization of institutionality that guarantees the outcome of elections. .

On September 7, for example, the question of a health passport came to the fore, but in a certain way crossover with a program of electoral fraud. There were rumors that unvaccinated people would not be allowed to vote. So even if it’s not their agenda [naquele momento]The topic has been discussed since at least September.

The Internet environment in which fake news is produced and distributed seems to belong to the extreme right. The left, on the other hand, does not seem to have power over this territory. That’s all? Can one also find the industries left behind this production and distribution?

These more underground platforms like Telegram are dominated by the all-out right wing, it’s on a different scale. This is the right niche, and it will remain so, because they operate there. The political left has an interface with the mainstream media that the right, from MPs down, does not. They are nowhere to be found, except on the Internet. The niche belongs to them. So no matter how much the left grows, it remains their niche.

::Polls and Democracy: What Bolsonarist’s Print Vote Demand Shows::

The way they market themselves as content producers, pseudo-journalists, is about revealing the truth that the media is hiding. It makes no sense for them to move away from this, because this is how they attract consumers, declaring that after the Internet, the media will never again be able to hide anything. And that is how they earn the loyalty of their followers. This is typical of the media. On the left, not so much. There is one or another conspiracy channel, but they cannot be compared in scale.

Can the left somehow resist this dominance?

You can greatly increase the occupancy, but it is difficult to reach their level without crossing certain ethical and even legal boundaries. They will always be at the forefront, because there is no limit to distortion and sensationalism, because it is based on efficiency. If the media goes viral, the content will follow suit and the trend is for the sensation to go viral. This is the differential of these media in relation to the mainstream media.

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But it is important to fight at least to take advantage of this advantage that the far right has. The left is improving, but it’s a matter of organicity. The left needs organic channels. It doesn’t make sense for PT to have a great communications strategy to speak the language of the internet if it doesn’t have an organic network of creators.


Bolsonaro is strictly following the strategy adopted by the American far right, insisting on charges of voter fraud that resulted in his election as president in 2018 / Antonio Augusto/Ascom/TSE

The organic web got its right thanks to this normal circulation. The issue of threats is very important because it keeps people connected beyond the issue of information disclosure. Now it’s possible to have it on the left, and it should be too. This disclosure bias can be exploited further.

In 2018, WhatsApp was a very important platform for the dissemination of fake political and election news. Has it changed somehow? Can we name important new platforms for this network of production and dissemination of disinformation?

Changed, changed a lot. The platforms that were important in 2018, WhatsApp and Facebook, remain important, but the ecosystem as a whole has diversified. We have, for example, TikTok, which, although not big, has investments from Bolsonaro. Instagram itself, which is not often used for political purposes, is associated with bolsonarism, with misinformation about early treatment, alternative sciences and anti-vaccination programs.

See also: Understand why Bolsonarism is trying to feed the contest to electronic voting machines

Bolsonarism has diversified into different platforms. For example, Telegram is one of the most underground, with very closed and radical groups. We are trying to consider the relationship between these more closed segments, which we call refracted, with a more superficial segment, such as Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, which, by all indications, are more important than Telegram in terms of capillarity.

This investment by Bolsonaro in TikTok is clear. Youtube has the nature of producing fake news, while WhatsApp has the nature of broadcasting. Come to think of it, what is the role of TikTok?

TikTok already has specialized content. But it’s usually disguised content that sits in that gray area between entertainment and political propaganda. The network has this profile, but quantitatively it is still not important. Now TikTok videos are also being distributed on WhatsApp, so there is traffic too.

What about other more alternative platforms used by the extreme right?

This is another clearer pattern that didn’t exist in 2018: alternative platforms like Gettr, Rumble, BitChute and others that are copying other platforms.”inclusion” [dominantes] how they began to tighten content moderation, ban channels, ban content from Twitter itself. So they started moving to these alternative platforms, which they didn’t have in 2018.

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Blogger Allan dos Santos, an ally of President Bolsonaro, is under investigation in Brazil for spreading fake news / Reproduction

One thing that has changed is that the content feels more spontaneous, in the sense that in 2018 this style of campaign or this language for politics was new. So, at first, the content was closely related to what the press called the “hate office”, which we still don’t know exactly who is behind it. Four years later, the president’s own supporters organically included this working modecopying yourself.

And then there is another model that already existed in 2018 but is becoming more and more obvious, and that is the monetization issue, mostly related to YouTube. So for many of these activists, it really became a kind of entrepreneurship. There is even a certainmainstreamingfrom this right. They are already colonizing media niches within the public sphere itself.

You were talking about YouTube. What is the size and importance of Youtube today in creating and spreading misinformation?

Telegram circulates a lot of links to YouTube video channels. YouTube assumes it has control over the platform, which it doesn’t because it’s connected to everyone else. Bolsonarism takes advantage of this.

See also: Eduardo Bolsonaro and the Bolsonarists lead fake news against the elections

We see that the number of Youtube in Telegram is five to six times greater than on the second platform, which is Telegram itself. In other words, the second most common platform is Telegram itself, and Youtube is the first, only it is far ahead. There are relationships there that are structural even between the two of them. So the role of YouTube is very big because YouTube monetizes it.

What is a long tail and what does it mean?

The long tail is small. This is a very fragmented network structure, consisting of many small ones and a few large ones. [produtores de conteúdo, sejam grupos ou indivíduos] there. On YouTube, we see the same pattern, with the three or four large Bolsonarismo channels getting the most links, with 60% to 70% scattered across small to medium channels that are trying to gain attention and scale within an extreme ecosystem. is their medium to eventually become one of those big channels for monetization.

What is the interface between Telegram and Youtube? Out of 100 channels, 10 are large channels with hundreds of thousands of views, and the vast majority, the long tail, are smaller channels that don’t yet have that scale to monetize, but are trying that scale.

Editing: Felipe Mendez

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According to Lindberg Farias, PT will not “outsource the political operations” of Lira.

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According to Lindberg Farias, PT will not "outsource the political operations" of Lira.

BRAZIL – Elected federal deputy Lindbergh Farias (PT-RJ) said this Wednesday, the 30th, that the elected government will not “transfer political activity” of the executive to the National Congress. PT has already formalized its support for the re-election of Arthur Lyra (PP-AL) as President of the Chamber, but intends to have its own political articulator and strong party base to drive its agenda in the Chamber.

“Lira in Bolsonaro’s government was a kind of prime minister. He was the president of the chamber and a major political figure in the interests of the Bolsonaro chamber. With us, everything will be different. He will be mayor, but we don’t want to outsource political activities, Lula’s government projects for the lira. This is the key. This is the new government. We are talking to the parties that will make up the government,” Farias said.

MP-elected Lindbergh Farias (PT/RJ) says PT is in talks with grassroots parties to form a bloc for Lula’s government.

The elected MP confirmed that the PT wants to chair the Constitution and Justice Commission (CCJ), the main commission where all drafts and proposals are analyzed in advance, before voting in the plenary session. When asked about the possibility of Bolsonaro’s PL parliamentarian heading the commission, Farias replied that there was no such possibility.

“You can lead the CCJ for two years, but with a different mass party. Lyra knows this. It will kick the crap out of any deal. You put the president of the LP there, you separate everything. He doesn’t have it. You can’t get into one of them, support Lyra and still have someone from the LP in CCJ,” he commented.

The MP-elected said it was “important to guarantee this space for the government and fight to create a base”, which is not related to the PL. “We do not want to participate in a block with the LP. Each government, when it starts, creates its own base. We want to build this base with the parties that supported us in the second round, PSD, União Brasil, MDB. If we create this base, it will be the biggest block in the Chamber, that’s what we’re going to do.”

The elected MP also drew attention to the need for the PT to indicate its ministries of finance and political articulation as soon as possible. “We want to create a government base in the House of Representatives and the Senate. The political operator of the government, Lula, will be the leader of the government. There must be someone who will conduct these negotiations,” he said.

Farias insisted on the importance of the approval of the Proposed Constitutional Amendment (PEC) for the Bolsa Família, but stated that this is not the only budget decision for the next year. “It’s not about the PEC and not about death. There are other alternatives, with consultations with the Union Accounts Chamber or a temporary measure of emergency loans,” he said.

Yesterday, the federation created by PT-PCdoB-PV, as well as the PSB, announced that they would support Lira as chairman of the Chamber. The parties that were part of Lula’s coalition made a joint statement in the House after meeting with the benches. With 94 MPs, the parties are in talks to build parliamentary blocs, a tool used to separate positions in the House of Representatives such as committee chairs and board positions.

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Bolsonaro accepts allies for a month of lockdown – 11/29/2022 – Poder

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Bolsonaro accepts allies for a month of lockdown - 11/29/2022 - Poder

A month after losing the presidential election Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (PT)the president Jair Bolsonaro (Poland) cautiously emerged from the lockdown she imposed after the poll results were announced.

According to those around him, the president is already less depressed by the defeat, but still wants to remain a recluse. Gradually, he resumed his schedule of meetings outside the Palacio da Alvorada, the official residence.

The president’s conclusion, a few public words spoken over the past month, and a coup d’état by his party, the PL, to cast doubt on the election results were ultimately seen as a veiled inducement to anti-democratic actions by supporters in front of the barracks.

During his seclusion after the defeat, Bolsonaro was engaged in pleasing the allies and discussing the future of his political group in opposition. Among them is the race for the presidency of the Senate.

All conversations were conducted behind closed doors and, for the most part, in the Alvorada Palace. Last week, he hosted the allied senators nominated as candidates for the presidency of the House of Representatives: Teresa Cristina (PP-MS), Rogerio Marinho (PL-RN), Eduardo Gomez (PL-TO) and Carlos Portinho (PL-RJ). The meeting was attended by his eldest son, Senator Flavio Bolsonaro (PL-RJ).

According to the interlocutors of the CEO, today he prefers the name nautical in dispute. The senator was his minister of regional development and is considered a man of good transit in Congress.

If he enters the race to command the Senate, Marinho will have to take on current President Rodrigo Pacheco (PSD-MG).

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According to allies, last week Bolsonaro worked to have two federal judges appointed to the STJ (Superior Court).Mesod Azoulay Neto and Paulo Sergio Dominguez were approved by the Senate.

Members of the judiciary and Lula’s allies wanted to leave the vote for the next year, but the nominations were approved by the senators.

On the other hand, Bolsonaro also appointed allies to the regulatory bodies and to the Ethics Commission under the President of the Republic.

Last week, he appointed his minister of the government secretariat and right-hand man Celio Faria to the President’s Commission on Public Ethics. Jr🇧🇷 He is one of the president’s closest aides and one of those who were with Bolsonaro the most during his seclusion in Alvorada.

Another candidate for the panel is João Enrique Nascimento de Freitas, Special Advisor to the President.

The nominations were published in an additional issue of the Official Gazette on Friday (18). Positions work with mandates – so they are integral and will be part of the collegiality for a good part of the third term of office. Lula.

In addition to them, Bolsonaro appointed Luciana Lauria López, who is the Secretariat’s Special Adviser on Strategic Affairs (SAE), Ombudsman for Antaq (National Water Transport Agency). She is also the wife of Freitas, Bolsonaro’s appointed member of the Ethics Commission.

In the same Official Gazette of November 18, Bolsonaro appointed Edgar Ribeiro Diaz as Ombudsman for Anvisa (National Health Surveillance Agency). He is the chief of staff of Celio Faria Jr.

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On the same day, the chief executive gave three more names to regulators. Everything must pass Senate review.

Since last Wednesday (23), the president has left his official residence three times.Palace of Alvorada to go to his place of work, the Planalto Palace.

In all cases, he never spent more than five hours there.

During this month after the defeat, Bolsonaro avoided speeches and public statements. He only spoke to the press once, two days after the results of the second round, when he asked supporters to unblock the roads, but said other demonstrations were welcome.

He abandoned the tradition of conducting live broadcasts, the so-called live, as he did from the beginning of his presidential term.

In social networks, Bolsonaro generally reduced his activity. In one of the rare publications, he published on Tuesday his photo over the coat of arms of the republic.

O the president this Tuesday (29) ended the month without holding motociatas – the events that marked his pre-defeat mandate Lula in the elections this year.

Bolsonaro was last at a demonstration and rode a motorcycle with supporters on October 29, Saturday, in Belo Horizonte, on the eve of the vote.

After the electoral defeat, his most radical supporters gathered outside the barracks to call for a military coup. At the same time, the LP has been used to question the legitimacy of the elections, although without pointing to any proof or evidence of fraud.

The attempt earned PL President Valdemar Costa Neto an STF (Federal Supreme Court) investigation and a fine of almost 23 million reais against the party.

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This Tuesday (29) Bolsonaro met in Planalto with the President of Firjan (Federation of Industry of the State of Rio de Janeiro) Eduardo Eugenio Vieira and with Valdemar.

In addition to the Planalto program, he and First Lady Michele Bolsonaro invited some 60 children to a Christmas cantata in Alvorada.

The event was organized by the Pátria Voluntária program coordinated by Michelle. No official photos of the meeting have been released.

Last Saturday (26) the president also traveled to the state of Rio to attend his first public event since defeat, a military ceremony in the city of Resende.

He remained silent at the event. Vice President Hamilton Murao (Republicans) was seen at the ceremony talking to Bolsonaro, but the president reacted listlessly.

“I told him there were a lot of people wanting to take pictures with him, I asked him to go there and take pictures with people, but he was a little sad,” Murao said on Tuesday of a conversation he had with Bolsonaro.

At a time of Bolsonaro’s greatest seclusion, Murao himself gave a different explanation for the president’s disappearance. Both the MP and other allies explained that Bolsonaro was recovering from a bacterial infection in his legs.

Murão also assumed the institutional role normally held by the President of the Republic. Last month, for example, he received credentials from foreign ambassadors who will work in Brazil.

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“I will contribute to the political future of my country”

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"I will contribute to the political future of my country"

ISabel dos Santos, a businesswoman who has been issued an international arrest warrant by Interpol at the request of the Angolan government, claims that she, like her family, is the target of “political persecution”. In an interview with TVI/CNN, he also accuses Attorney General of Angola on “receiving an order from President João Lourenço”.

Neither party reveals where the conversation is taking place, the businesswoman uses the term justice – a form of warfare in which the law is used as a weapon to justify the charges against him in Angola. “The law is used to fight an economic or political adversary”she says, emphasizing that “you don’t want competition in politics in Angola” and placing herself in the role of Joao Lourenço’s political opponent.

Asked if she has political ambitions in her country, she opens the door for her candidacy. “I have no doubt that in one way or another I will contribute to the political future of my country”he guarantees by listing the main problems of the country, such as social issues and fertility issues.

“I believe that the political parties in power and the opposition do not look at these issues. No vision, no plan”he says, adding that he is striving for “another country.”

“When I arrived [à Sonagol] there was no money to pay wages”

Taking into account SonangolJosé Eduardo dos Santos’s daughter says that at the time the Angolan State Ministry asked one of its companies to provide advice on “the restructuring of the oil sector” and that she was “personally invited to serve as chairman of the non-executive board.” directors.” “When I arrived, there was no money to pay wages”he says, saying that the company was known to be “bankrupt”.

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“What I want today is an acknowledgment from PGR and the government that this story about no consultants being there and not getting paid is not true. And what is very annoying is that they use this very story to then issue either warrants, or restrictive maneuvers, or even arrests.”He says.

already about Luanda Leaks, says that “it was João Lourenzo’s design” and that he has proof of what he claims. “Who reads 715,000 documents? It’s impossible. And to date, no one has seen them. We saw 140 and most of them are completely harmless,” he says.

Never been asked to “invest in Portugal”

As regards the case of Portugal, he says that relations with the country have always been “through private investment” that there have never been specific requests – from the government of Portugal – “to invest in Portugal” and who doesn’t know if phone call from the coast – it happened because of her.

When asked about her connection with Russia, Isabelle dos Santos spoke about the culture and history of this country, and when asked if she was thinking about moving to Russia, Isabelle dos Santos answered only that she had a “special attachment” to this country. “This is my mother’s land. Therefore, this is a place where I have a family and which I respect a lot, with a phenomenal culture,” he said.

Regarding the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, he replied that he hoped that the conflict would be resolved. “Peace matters to everyone”he concluded.

Recall that the Attorney General of the Republic of Angola vowed on Monday that the trial against Isabel dos Santos would move forwardeven if the businesswoman does not make statements under the international arrest warrant requested by the Angolan authorities.

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Helder Pitta Gros, speaking in Luanda on the sidelines of a Board of Directors meeting, said he did not know the whereabouts of the daughter of the former President of Angola, and claims that several attempts were made to interrogate the businesswoman, who, in an interview with the German broadcaster DW and on her social networks, she always insisted on the fact that she is ready to clarify the “untruth” about her, saying that she is not interesting to listen to.

Read also: Angolan PGR promises process without hearing Isabelle dos Santos

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