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Bolsonarism uses Telegram to destabilize

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Bolsonarism uses Telegram to destabilize

One topic that has not come out of the mouth of President Jair Bolsonaro (PL) is the perceived fragility of electronic voting machines as a way to delegitimize the Brazilian electoral process. In the same vein, this issue also dominates far-right Telegram groups.

Leticia Cesarino, Professor of Anthropology and Graduate Program in Social Anthropology (PPGAS) at the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC), studies Bolsonarist behavior in groups in depth and points out: [assuntos] more generally, the programs and narratives that stand out in the set of groups and channels that we analyze should not necessarily refer to a direct accusation of electoral fraud, but to the delegitimization of institutionality that guarantees the outcome of elections. “.

See also: Heleno, Ramos and Abin have been conducting an attack on electronic voting machines since 2019, notes PF.

:: Deconstructing lies: Electronic voting machines are verifiable and safer than printed ballots ::

“And it is the ultra-right, allies of President Jair Bolsonaro, who dominate this environment. On these more underground platforms like Telegram, the right is completely dominated. The way they market themselves as content producers has to do with revealing the truth that the media is hiding. And that’s how they win the loyalty of their followers,” he adds.

The idea of ​​”revealing the truth” also sets the tone for Bolsonaro’s actions. Last July, the retired captain promised to present evidence of alleged electoral fraud during the 2018 elections. The incumbent then said that he would in fact have won the election in the first round. However, shortly thereafter, the “truth” revealed turned out to be nothing more than old and false claims that electronic voting machines had completed voting for the PT number in absentia at the voters’ choice.

Check out the interview with Leticia Cesarino below.

Brazil de Fato: What has changed since the 2018 presidential election to date regarding the production and dissemination of disinformation on social media in Brazil, especially considering the extreme right?

Letizia Cesarino: The machine runs at full speed but looks different than it did in 2018 when it had an expansive nature. After she hit [a máquina] succeeded in expanding beyond those segmented groups and influencers more rooted in Bolsonaris. Mostly through WhatsApp one can see a very large capillarity of the campaign.

This year, when it comes to re-election, with four years in office, a pandemic, Lula’s return to the race, Bolsonarism is having a hard time. The ecosystem was shrinking in size compared to what it was in the campaign. But apparently, they “replenish” the electoral machine itself, just like in 2018.


Fake news and misinformation reveal how the Bolsonaro government is handling the pandemic / Reproduction Arte IQC

Now this model of using the machine has changed not only to increase the electoral base, but also to destabilize the very legitimacy of the elections. This has always been the case, including with this issue of electoral fraud. That was always one of the narratives, but at that moment it didn’t matter because Bolsonaro won and he had a lot of support.

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This year, the agenda has taken shape and, at least according to the data we work with the Telegram platform, it is undoubtedly the dominant agenda this year. You [assuntos] more generally, the programs and narratives that stand out in the set of groups and channels that we analyze should not necessarily refer to a direct accusation of electoral fraud, but to the delegitimization of institutionality that guarantees the outcome of elections. .

On September 7, for example, the question of a health passport came to the fore, but in a certain way crossover with a program of electoral fraud. There were rumors that unvaccinated people would not be allowed to vote. So even if it’s not their agenda [naquele momento]The topic has been discussed since at least September.

The Internet environment in which fake news is produced and distributed seems to belong to the extreme right. The left, on the other hand, does not seem to have power over this territory. That’s all? Can one also find the industries left behind this production and distribution?

These more underground platforms like Telegram are dominated by the all-out right wing, it’s on a different scale. This is the right niche, and it will remain so, because they operate there. The political left has an interface with the mainstream media that the right, from MPs down, does not. They are nowhere to be found, except on the Internet. The niche belongs to them. So no matter how much the left grows, it remains their niche.

::Polls and Democracy: What Bolsonarist’s Print Vote Demand Shows::

The way they market themselves as content producers, pseudo-journalists, is about revealing the truth that the media is hiding. It makes no sense for them to move away from this, because this is how they attract consumers, declaring that after the Internet, the media will never again be able to hide anything. And that is how they earn the loyalty of their followers. This is typical of the media. On the left, not so much. There is one or another conspiracy channel, but they cannot be compared in scale.

Can the left somehow resist this dominance?

You can greatly increase the occupancy, but it is difficult to reach their level without crossing certain ethical and even legal boundaries. They will always be at the forefront, because there is no limit to distortion and sensationalism, because it is based on efficiency. If the media goes viral, the content will follow suit and the trend is for the sensation to go viral. This is the differential of these media in relation to the mainstream media.

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But it is important to fight at least to take advantage of this advantage that the far right has. The left is improving, but it’s a matter of organicity. The left needs organic channels. It doesn’t make sense for PT to have a great communications strategy to speak the language of the internet if it doesn’t have an organic network of creators.


Bolsonaro is strictly following the strategy adopted by the American far right, insisting on charges of voter fraud that resulted in his election as president in 2018 / Antonio Augusto/Ascom/TSE

The organic web got its right thanks to this normal circulation. The issue of threats is very important because it keeps people connected beyond the issue of information disclosure. Now it’s possible to have it on the left, and it should be too. This disclosure bias can be exploited further.

In 2018, WhatsApp was a very important platform for the dissemination of fake political and election news. Has it changed somehow? Can we name important new platforms for this network of production and dissemination of disinformation?

Changed, changed a lot. The platforms that were important in 2018, WhatsApp and Facebook, remain important, but the ecosystem as a whole has diversified. We have, for example, TikTok, which, although not big, has investments from Bolsonaro. Instagram itself, which is not often used for political purposes, is associated with bolsonarism, with misinformation about early treatment, alternative sciences and anti-vaccination programs.

See also: Understand why Bolsonarism is trying to feed the contest to electronic voting machines

Bolsonarism has diversified into different platforms. For example, Telegram is one of the most underground, with very closed and radical groups. We are trying to consider the relationship between these more closed segments, which we call refracted, with a more superficial segment, such as Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp, which, by all indications, are more important than Telegram in terms of capillarity.

This investment by Bolsonaro in TikTok is clear. Youtube has the nature of producing fake news, while WhatsApp has the nature of broadcasting. Come to think of it, what is the role of TikTok?

TikTok already has specialized content. But it’s usually disguised content that sits in that gray area between entertainment and political propaganda. The network has this profile, but quantitatively it is still not important. Now TikTok videos are also being distributed on WhatsApp, so there is traffic too.

What about other more alternative platforms used by the extreme right?

This is another clearer pattern that didn’t exist in 2018: alternative platforms like Gettr, Rumble, BitChute and others that are copying other platforms.”inclusion” [dominantes] how they began to tighten content moderation, ban channels, ban content from Twitter itself. So they started moving to these alternative platforms, which they didn’t have in 2018.

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Blogger Allan dos Santos, an ally of President Bolsonaro, is under investigation in Brazil for spreading fake news / Reproduction

One thing that has changed is that the content feels more spontaneous, in the sense that in 2018 this style of campaign or this language for politics was new. So, at first, the content was closely related to what the press called the “hate office”, which we still don’t know exactly who is behind it. Four years later, the president’s own supporters organically included this working modecopying yourself.

And then there is another model that already existed in 2018 but is becoming more and more obvious, and that is the monetization issue, mostly related to YouTube. So for many of these activists, it really became a kind of entrepreneurship. There is even a certainmainstreamingfrom this right. They are already colonizing media niches within the public sphere itself.

You were talking about YouTube. What is the size and importance of Youtube today in creating and spreading misinformation?

Telegram circulates a lot of links to YouTube video channels. YouTube assumes it has control over the platform, which it doesn’t because it’s connected to everyone else. Bolsonarism takes advantage of this.

See also: Eduardo Bolsonaro and the Bolsonarists lead fake news against the elections

We see that the number of Youtube in Telegram is five to six times greater than on the second platform, which is Telegram itself. In other words, the second most common platform is Telegram itself, and Youtube is the first, only it is far ahead. There are relationships there that are structural even between the two of them. So the role of YouTube is very big because YouTube monetizes it.

What is a long tail and what does it mean?

The long tail is small. This is a very fragmented network structure, consisting of many small ones and a few large ones. [produtores de conteúdo, sejam grupos ou indivíduos] there. On YouTube, we see the same pattern, with the three or four large Bolsonarismo channels getting the most links, with 60% to 70% scattered across small to medium channels that are trying to gain attention and scale within an extreme ecosystem. is their medium to eventually become one of those big channels for monetization.

What is the interface between Telegram and Youtube? Out of 100 channels, 10 are large channels with hundreds of thousands of views, and the vast majority, the long tail, are smaller channels that don’t yet have that scale to monetize, but are trying that scale.

Editing: Felipe Mendez

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Politicians call for investigation into president’s sexual harassment case

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Politicians call for investigation into president's sexual harassment case

Brazilian politicians have called for an “investigation” and removal of Caixa Econômica’s federal president, Pedro Duarte Guimarães, after allegations of sexual harassment were made by employees of the Metrópoles website. Reported cases include unauthorized intimate touching, inappropriate approaches, and incompatible job offers.

Republican pre-candidate Simone Tebet (MDB) stressed that “sexual harassment is a crime” and called for “strict and immediate” investigations. The senator also said that the president of the bank should be removed from office immediately until the investigations are completed.

“The bank lives off trust, and the state bank cannot allow a potential harasser to the highest position in the institution,” he wrote on Twitter.

Sen. Randolph Rodriguez (Rede-AP) stressed that the allegations are “serious.” The parliamentarian lamented the case after a week of “destructive news of sexual violence”.

“I just asked that Guimarães be summoned to the Human Rights Commission,” he said.

Preliminary candidate for the Chamber of Deputies in this year’s elections, Guilherme Boulos (PSOL) said that “Bolsonarism does not fail”. The politician also demanded an investigation and punishment.

Federal MP Jandira Fegali (PCdoB-RJ) emphasized that women are in danger everywhere and that “not even in a corporate environment, but in a large state bank” they are saved. The MP said she was “disgusted” and demanded “investigation and punishment.”

Pedro Guimarães has been President of Caixa since the current government came to power. The head of the state-owned company is often present at events near Jair Bolsonaro (PL), in addition to participating several times in the president’s weekly live broadcast.

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Loss of public revenue due to cuts in ICMS and delay in completion of PT plans – Papo Político

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POLITICAL TALK | June 28, 2022

Loss of government revenue due to ICMS cuts and delays in completing PT plates

Sileide Alves comes to Papo Política to say that the Goiás government will have to redo the math, since after the announcement of ICMS cuts to cut fuel, government revenues could lose about 3 million reais. In addition, she comments on the PT’s delay in nominating candidates for governor, vice president and senator. This was expected to happen at the regional meeting held over the weekend, but it didn’t.




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Why the political core of Bolsonaro’s campaign is in an atmosphere of defeat | Malu Gaspar

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Why the political core of Bolsonaro's campaign is in an atmosphere of defeat |  Malu Gaspar

Centrão was disappointed not only because General Braga Netto was elected as Jair Bolsonaro’s deputy instead of federal deputy Teresa Cristina (PP-MS).

The so-called “political wing” of the campaign is in a state of awakening, and the reason is Bolsonaro’s own behavior.

Election 2022: MEC crisis consolidates Braga Netto as Bolsonaro’s vice

fuel crisis: The arrival of Paez de Andrade at Petrobras forces the company’s management to outline an “escape plan”

The fact that the President stated in an interview this Sunday that went through the former Minister of Agriculture, in favor of the general, only worsened the situation, which had already been sour since the end of last week.

This is because the president ignored all the recommendations of marketer Duda Lima regarding a trip to the northeast between Thursday and Saturday.

Emergency plan: The core of Bolsonaro’s campaign developed a “cord cutting” strategy with Milton Ribeiro.

On Wednesday, Lima and the active core of the campaign, which includes ministers Ciro Nogueira and Braga Netto, Senator Flavio Bolsonaro (PL-RJ) and PL national president Valdemar da Costa Neto, presented a strategic plan to the President. for the next 100 days of the campaign.

Between late afternoon and Wednesday evening, Lima made a presentation suggesting that Bolsonaro use every opportunity he has in the northeast to defend Auxílio Brasil and other job-creating initiatives to try and convince voters who today decided to support the candidacy of former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT).

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Election 2022: Why Bolsonaro’s resilience at Datafolha is good news for PT members

The trip to the northeast was fundamental to this work, since it is in this region that Bolsonaro is most often denied. According to the latest Datafolha poll, 55% of Brazilians would not vote for an incumbent president. Among residents of the Northeast, contempt reaches 62%.

The material presented to the president on Wednesday contained a list of programs, as well as what the president should say about each of them in his speeches. After watching the presentation, Bolsonaro praised the plan and said he agreed with everything.

Strategy: How Bolsonaro thinks he can lose his image because of high fuel prices

But in the days that followed, the expected “total focus on the social” turned into a series of speeches about the Milton Ribeiro case, the President’s unfounded suspicions about electronic voting machines and a behind-the-scenes war with the Supreme Court, than about social programs or government achievements. which ultimately went unnoticed.

Friday d.after the release of an audio recording in which the former Minister of Education told his daughter that Bolsonaro had a “premonition” that there would be searches and seizures, the President also canceled a dinner with political leaders from Paraiba.

IEC crisis: The sound is serious and could make Bolsonaro charged with 3 crimes, prosecutors estimate

“The risk of defeat is only increasing,” lamented one of the participants in the attempt to coordinate the work of the campaign yesterday afternoon. “The president does everything to lose” is the assessment that most often sounds around Bolsonaro, but which no one has the courage to express to him directly.

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The concern is mutual: Bolsonaro did not privately criticize the LP, the marketing campaign and the legal team, which is why he ignored the advice he received.

In this context, the decision not to appoint Teresa Cristina as an MP is seen in Centrão as a missed opportunity to create positive facts to “shake up the campaign”.

Judicial branch: The judge who saved Ribeiro is STJ’s favorite and has a history of making pro-government decisions.

In addition to attracting the female electorate, another object of rejection of the head of Planalto, Centrão felt that the image of a woman with a more political profile and the image of the director could “soften” the radicalism of a purely ideological ticket.

“In our planning, June was supposed to be a turning point month, but so far we have only accumulated problems,” says the campaign strategist.

Data sheet: Lyra ‘predicted’ Bolsonaro to lead this month’s polls

For a general who worked at the highest level of government, the Bolsonaro-Braga Netto ticket ended up looking like “bread with êpa!” There is nothing inside,” he defines.

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