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French politician tries to destroy Le Pen on the right – Observer



French politician tries to destroy Le Pen on the right - Observer

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Those who follow French politics from a distance were not surprised by the announcement of Eric Zemmour’s candidacy for the presidency of France. This is an independent candidate, not affiliated with any party. Without a party machine behind him, it will be difficult for him to build a base of support on the ground, even enlisting the support of the 500 elected representatives needed to run for the presidency. So far, the campaign shows it has between 250 and 300 pledges of support.

Four and a half months before the presidential elections, Zemmour receives widespread support from prominent personalities in the business world and dissidents from the National Union, dissatisfied with the leadership of the party led by Marine Le Pen.

A poll conducted by Le Journal du Dimanche this weekend placed Zemmour in third place (14-15%), behind Marine Le Pen (19-20%) and Emmanuel Macron (25-28%) in the first round, and the French president took third place. defeated the leader of the National Union in the second round (54-46%). This launch comes at a time when the candidacy of the far right polemicist is losing its luster and must resist the downward trajectory of recent weeks, after months of traveling around the country, visiting companies and associations, multiplying contacts with the population, which brought her values ​​of about 18% and second place in polls, ahead of the leader of the National Union.

Lacking a big political program, Eric Zemmour revives the ideas of his old friend Renault Camus, who was convicted of inciting racial and religious hatred and violence, and proposes to fight the French “great replacement”: racist theory, identity and a conspirator who rejects the existence of two civilizations on French soil and that Zemmour intends to become leitmotif this election campaign. According to this theory, if nothing is done, in 50 years Muslims will be the majority in France, and in 100 years the country will become an “Islamic republic.” A theory popular in the 1930s in the Nazi Party of Germany and recently inspired the terrorist responsible for the March 2019 attack on Christchurch, New Zealand, which killed 51 people.


Zemmour presents himself as the savior of the legacy of Joan of Arc, Louis XIV, Napoleon Bonaparte or General Charles de Gaulle (inspired by the script for the announcement of his candidacy) and the memory of La Fontaine’s fables. at Notre Dame de Paris and the bell towers in the villages.

At 63, the former Jewish journalist, writer and commentator, the son of Algerian immigrants, calls himself a defender of French Christian civilization and is one of the most extremist voices in France against immigration and Muslims, earning him several court cases for libel and two convictions for incitement to racial hatred. Deeply xenophobic and misogynistic, he has a history of sexual harassment allegations that date back to the 1990s.

So where did Eric Zemmour’s popularity come from? During his career as a journalist, it was through his regular participation in radio and television programs that he created the image of a right-wing commentator, adopting nationalist anti-immigration rhetoric with an overtly xenophobic, racist, misogynistic stance in addition to inciting hatred of Muslims. In 2019, he joined CNews, a Fox News-style television channel, which gave him the perfect platform to continue spreading his hated message, reaching hundreds of thousands of primetime viewers.

The author of several best-selling books, some of his books published contain incendiary views of women and ethnic minorities, as well as historical inaccuracies in an attempt to whitewash French revisionism throughout history, including World War II or Algeria’s War of Independence. V “French suicideFor example, Zemmour seeks to refute the role of the Vichy government, led by Marshal Philippe Pétain, in imprisoning thousands of Jews during World War II, prompting criticism from the Jewish community in France. In September, he toured the country to promote his latest book, “France has not yet had its last word“In free translation – more than 250 thousand copies were sold and served as the motto for the start of the election campaign.

Zemmour takes advantage of the fact that traditional French parties – the Socialist Party on the left and the Os Republicanos on the right – are still recovering from the governments of François Hollande (2017) and Nicolas Sarkozy (2012). ). If Emmanuel Macron seized the opportunity to conquer the center and thus reach Elisha, then it is only natural that Zemmour now splits the electorate with Marine Le Pen and presents himself as the voice of the silent majority, people forgotten by the parties of the system. Like Donald Trump, the French politician does not bring anything new to the public space. This only gives a voice to the part of society that sees in him the one who confirms their intolerant and preconceived ideas, which is alarming. That is, the problem of the extreme right is more of a structural than an indirect nature – in France and in the world. In fact, a Catholic country that only needed to get rid of the shame of language in the public space that existed between the 1960s and 1990s.

It is this loss of shame and the acceptance of this discourse in public space that distinguishes him from Marine Le Pen, who, surpassed by Zemmour on the right, does not try to distance herself: “Your project completely contradicts mine: women, economics, immigration. Resilience is not cruelty. He is a polemicist, not a presidential candidate. Rejects and divides. I would not want you to join me or be a candidate. It does not bring anything new, has no added value. The division is not a service for the country. “

As the leader of the National Union moves away from the extreme right and tries to soften the image of her party in an effort to erase the racist and xenophobic legacy she inherited from her father, Zemmur is taking the exact opposite path: she tries to radicalize, provoke and build a debate around her own vision of what France should be like.

To crude populism aimed at capturing the voice of the working class, the former French journalist adds intellectual recognition that attracts the voices of the French ultra-Catholic bourgeoisie. Erik Zemmour, educated at the prestigious SciencePo, is a smarter, more polished and educated version of Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founder and dismounted leader of the National Front’s daughter.

Compared to Donald Trump or Nicholas Farage and fueling the interest of Steve Bannon, Zemmour seeks to destroy the National Union and its leader, while Le Pen is unsuccessfully trying to build a square circle: to capture the votes of the traditional right, without losing the support of the most extreme. and the radicalized wings of the party. After the bloodshed of supporters of Zemmur, a movement has begun that aims to win in 2027 with the support of the extreme right and the more radical wing of the traditional right.

Since the far-right field is divided into five candidates, whose natural protagonists are Le Pen and Zemmour, it is not surprising that there are calls for a single presidential nomination to avoid what happened in the 2002 presidential election. With three candidates on the left, the socialist and favorite of Lionel Jospin was eliminated from the second round, leading to the return of Jacques Chirac.

Then Marion Marechal reappears between Marine Le Pen, whose niece she is, and Eric Zemmour, a politician whom she greatly admires and whom she has crossed paths with in the past. In a difficult and thankless position, Marine Le Pen’s niece – with a more conservative outlook on society, which led her to abandon the party and active politics in 2017, after months of a deep war with her aunt – the former star of the film “Takeoff”. However, the French far-right argues that there should be a single candidate led by the best-placed candidate in the race.

While it is true that Zemmour is nothing more than a balloon that appears to be deflating, he should not be underestimated or overlooked as he will continue to be a prominent figure in the French political scene.

Mistakes made by the candidate in recent weeks, including the old-fashioned hysteria in Marseille and the insults at Gilles Bouleu following the TF1 interview on the day he announced his candidacy, lowered the polls and forced time on the nomination, which, however, was not innocent: it was made on the day the debate began in the primaries on the right, on the eve of the Republican convention. Marine Le Pen took advantage of the blunders to attack an opponent who, in her opinion, failed to become a presidential candidate: “When we want to be the president of the republic, we need to remain calm, to control our instinct.“, he said.

A lot can happen from now until next April. Regardless of who represents the ultra-right in the presidential election – Le Pen, Zemmour, or both – or the outcome they might register, we should be concerned about the type of attraction that characters like Donald Trump, Nicholas Farage or Eric Zemmour show. over the electorate.

It may be time to start reflecting on the inequality and the growing sense of insecurity – unfounded or unwarranted – by a large segment of society that does not feel represented by traditional political actors and that these characters use more than the perceived general adherence to their retrograde and prejudiced ideas and their reactionary rhetoric. …

Eric Zemmour in the French case is only a unifying element of these grievances, which are looking for someone to represent them and give them the right to vote. Even if he is defeated, Zemmur has already set in motion an ideological dynamic that will continue to grow and structure in the coming years, and for these identity parasites in society, this in itself is a success.

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PSDB collapse: toucans may disappear from the political map



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The SDB is in crisis. Little remains of the party, founded in 1988 by social democrats Fernando Enrique Cardoso, Mario Covasa and Franco Montoro, among others, shortly after the fall of the dictatorship and which has remained at the center of the country’s political debate ever since, precisely because it prepared leaders to make changes. into a backwardness scenario.

This happened, for example, in 1994 when the toucans created the Real Plan and stabilized the economy. With less and less capacity for dialogue with society, the party today has become a Babylon where almost no one gets along. The result of this confusion, which began to emerge after the failure of the 2014 presidential campaign led by Esio Neves, became more pronounced on Sunday 2.

The party, which in its heyday even elected eight governors at once, as happened in 2010, this time did not elect a single one, despite the presence of toucans in the second round in four states (RS, MS, PB and PE), even if everyone would be in second place and with a small chance of being elected. The most significant defeat came to the government of São Paulo, the birthplace of the legend and where it was the dominant political force for nearly three decades. The biggest mistake here was made by advertisers who were unable to “sell” to the voters the important achievements of the administration of Joao Doria and Rodrigo Garcia.

KNOCK SHOT Esio Neves and Eduardo Leite (below) acted to reject the democratic process that saw Doria elected to run for president.
Wagner Pires

As a result of the mistakes of the national leadership of the association, especially President Bruno Araujo, who did everything not to put forward his own presidential candidate, excluding Doria from the dispute, Tucano’s bench elected to the next legislature of the Chamber is the smallest in history: only 13 federal deputies – 35 were elected in 2018 – and the party did not elect a single new senator beyond the six it already had. “The party is getting smaller,” admits an important PSDB source. Traditionally, the party had at least 50 federal deputies and rivaled in size the then giants MDB and PT. In the 2018 elections, as Geraldo Alcmín’s presidential campaign weakened, the number of parliamentarians in the House fell to 28. The electoral failure is in no way reminiscent of the party that opposed the PT in every presidential election from 1994 to 2014. This time he limited himself to the appointment of Senator Mara Gabrilli (PSDB-SP) as deputy to Simone Tebet (MDB-MS), who came third in the dispute with just over 4% of the vote.

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Doria said the SRB’s poor performance in this year’s elections could lead to the disappearance of the party, which he says “would be a shame.” “At the moment it is the losing side,” he estimates. It is impossible to predict the outcome of the Toucan Nest crisis, but the party’s decline actually began in November 2021, after a group of MP Esio Neves (PSDB-MG) stepped up the process to undermine the former candidate’s pre-candidacy. Governor of São Paulo to the Planalto Palace, democratically determined in the party’s primaries.

The persistence of the Tucanato wing with the candidacy of the then governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Eduardo Leite, ultimately made it impossible for Doria to be nominated, a member of the party that proved more viable in the elections, even because of the important work done by his government during the pandemic. “I won the primaries and did not accept them because the national executive thought that with me there would be neither the preservation nor the increase of the federal bench of the Congress,” Doria recalled, intensifying the criticism of the national president Bruno Araujo. “I was practically forced to withdraw from the dispute, and in the end, the SRB elected far fewer deputies, with a reduction of 41%,” he told ISTOE.

With the failure of the elections on the 2nd, the internal split deepened. On Tuesday, the 4th, the National Executive in Brasilia decided to release its members in order to support whoever they wish in the second round of the presidential election. The five former party chairmen decided to support Lulu, but Governor Rodrigo Garcia announced “unconditional and personal” support for Jair Bolsonaro and Tarcisio de Freitas, the presidential candidate for governor of Sao Paulo, who now faces PT Fernando Haddad in the presidential election. second round of the competition. Doria said he would not vote. Subsequently, several Tucan leaders of the old guard announced their vote for Lulu, as was the case with Fernando Henrique. “In this second round, I vote for the history of the struggle for democracy and social integration. I vote for Luis Inacio Lulu da Silva,” said the former president. Currently, the project of reconstruction of the nest of toucans.

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At least 21 politicians who were already on the radar of Operation Lava-Yato are expected to remain on the political scene in 2023.



Eleven goals of Lava-Yato receive a parliamentary mandate. (Photo: Antonio Cruz/Agência Brasil)

At least 21 politicians who were already on the radar of Operation Lava Jato should remain in the political arena in 2023. Twelve of them were elected last Sunday to legislative and executive positions – 11 won seats in the Chamber of Deputies, while Gladson Kameli (PP) won the race for Acre’s government. Another seven remained as deputies, while six were not elected.

Esio Neves (PSDB-MG), Afonso Hamm (PP-RS), Aguinaldo Ribeiro (PP-PB), Artur Lira (PP-AL) – Acting President of the Chamber, Beto Richa (PSDB-PR) will be in the Chamber in 2023. , Joao Leao (PP-BA), Lindbergh Farias (PT-RJ), Luis Fernando Faria (PSD-MG), Mario Negromonte Jr. (PP-BA), Rosana Sarny (MDB-MA) and Vander Lube (PT-MS) .

Kaka Leao (PP-BA) and Romero Huca (MDB-RR), who were running for Senate seats, were not counted; Eduardo Cunha (PTB-SP) and Delcidio Amaral (PTB-MS), federal candidates; and Fernando Collor (PTB-AL) and Luis Carlos Heinze (PP-RS), who sued state governments. Former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT) runs in the second round of elections in Planalto.

On the other front, the executioners of these politicians had significant voices. Associated with União Brasil, former judge Sergio Moro, who led Lava Hato at first instance, was elected senator for Paraná with 1,953,188 votes, deposing Álvaro Díaz (Podemos).


Former federal prosecutor Deltan Dallagnol (Podemos) received 344,917 votes for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies. Former task force coordinator for Lava Jato in Curitiba, he has spoken to prominent political figures such as Glazi Hoffmann of the PT (elected with 261,247 votes), Ricardo Barros of the PP (107,022 votes) and Luisa Canziani of the PSD (74,643 votes). In an interview with Estadão on Monday, Dallagnol spoke of Lava Jato’s “rebirth” like a Phoenix.

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“The operation changed the course of the global political system and the system of competition in political disputes in Brazil,” says FGV professor Marco Antonio Carvalho Teixeira. However, for him, the election of so many candidates who passed investigations indicates that the political consequences of this “were left behind.”


According to Professor UniRio and Doctor of Political Science Fabio Kerche, “There are sections of society that regard Moro and Dallagnol as heroes.” He links the election of the two to the “withdrawal” of the operation, which began in 2014.

Kerche sees similarities between the developments of Lava Jato and Mãos Limpas that took place in Italy. “It was also possible to elect the prosecutors and justices of the peace who took part. They left “judicial politics” and moved on to “party politics”.