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China Devaluates Political Boycott | Euronews



China Devaluates Political Boycott |  Euronews

More countries are announcing a diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics.

The announcements continue following the decision of the United States of America, which accused China of human rights violations.

Britain and Canada are the last countries to join the diplomatic boycott.

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said:

“I don’t think the decision of Canada or many other countries not to send diplomatic missions to the Beijing Olympic and Paralympic Games is a surprise to China. In the past few years, we have very clearly expressed our deep concern over human rights violations. “

A few hours earlier, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison announced Australia’s joining the boycott … A measure devalued by the Chinese government.

“China has not invited Australian government officials to participate in the Winter Olympics, and no one cares if they come or not. Olympic Games in Beijing “.This was announced by Wang Wenbin, spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry.

Faced with the announced boycott, IOC President Thomas Bach stressed the organization’s political neutrality.

“The presence of government officials is a purely political decision of each government. The IOC principle of political neutrality is also applied to this political decision. ”

Diplomatic tensions between China and several Western countries have escalated in recent years over alleged human rights violations. Beijing is accused of keeping more than a million Muslim Uyghurs in political re-education camps. The Chinese authorities deny this.

The Winter Olympics in Beijing will be held from 4 to 20 February 2022.

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Politicians, technical managers and the complex balance of democracy



Politicians, technical managers and the complex balance of democracy

Even before the formation of the New Republic, in March 1985, a significant number of technical personnel were called upon to form the civilian government of Tancredo Neves, the first post-war dictatorship. The President, however, died, and his replacement, José Sarny, eventually retained the team.

He did this because there was a buzz that the arrival of competent professionals in strategic positions would be enough to transform a country that had 21 years of oppression and repression and that had become a symbol of inefficiency, incompetence and corruption at all levels.

Based on this relevant and almost forgotten detail, Pedro Abramovei and Gabriela Lotta propose for discussion in Balanced Democracy – Politicians and Bureaucrats in Brazil (Companhia das Letras) a still topical issue: solutions to the country’s problems will never appear only statistics and graphs of highly qualified technicians .

The two begin with the personal life and ideas of the political scientist Florestan Fernandez at the beginning of the redemocratization, when he warned that there would be a New Republic if democratic social forces jumped into action and did not leave this role in the hands of the government to solve problems. “They will make a democratic revolution, not a government,” Fernandes says.

In one of his last articles, published six years after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution on October 5, 1988, Fernandes drew attention to the constant possibility of democratic processes being captured by the bureaucracy.

“The association of bureaucrats and technocrats with politicians contributes to the depoliticization of party institutions from right to left. It stimulates personal career ambitions and private projects, divorced from the priority needs of the team. So it reinforces conformism, potential fascism and plutocracy.”

The association of bureaucrats and technocrats with politicians contributes to the depoliticization of party institutions.

In this context, both political scientists argue that the tension that exists between a strong and independent bureaucracy and the natural debate about democracy – with the broad participation of students, workers, indigenous people and many other social forces that are the engines of democracy – reaches the limit. the heart of building a healthy and effective diet.

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In support of the study, they discuss topics such as patrimonialism, meritocracy, and the politicization of the judiciary, in addition to major recent discussions such as the Civil Rights Framework for the Internet, drug policy, and the Statute of Indigenous Peoples.

An example of the discrepancy between technocracy and politics can be seen in the anti-drug campaigns. “Alienation, the product of ideology, allows drug policy to be judged on the basis of process indicators, rather than indicators related to the overall policy goals, which in this case would be to improve the health and safety of people,” they write. the authors.

“But policy evaluation is based on the number of prisoners, the number of drugs seized and, in some countries, even the number of deaths. That is, if people use more drugs and die more often from drugs, but the police make more arrests and more arrests, politicians can present their failure as a success.”

The adoption of this inappropriate position can only be explained by ideology – and the power with which it can cause alienation. And here, once again, the belief that the technical approach can solve all problems collapses, the authors say.

Abramovei is a lawyer with an IESP-UERJ PhD in Political Science and has held several positions in two of Lula’s administrations (2003-2011), including National Secretary of Justice. From this personal experience, he reports episodes that help to understand his arguments.

Lotta is Professor of Public Administration at FGV-SP, PhD in Political Science and Researcher at the Center for Metropolitan Studies, and in 2021 she was a Visiting Professor at the University of Oxford. Together they draw conclusions that deserve reflection. , because of the serious moment of instability that runs through the country.

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Since the mid-2000s, they write, the slogan “Brazil needs managers, technicians, not politicians” has gained momentum and has become one of the central issues in the elections of the last decade, when politics has come to be seen as an expression, not of democracy, but of corruption.

Since the 2000s, the slogan “Brazil needs managers, technicians, not politicians” has been gaining momentum and has become one of the central issues in the elections of the last decade.

“The idea was reinforced that public policy decisions could be made by well-educated managers of any ideology: the difference between left and right would be insignificant if it existed at all.”

They explain that for every problem in society there must be the right public policy, which must be determined and implemented by a specialist who can do without dialogue with various sections of society. Of course, they argue, there is no good politics without good governance.

“Public managers must technically create the most suitable scenarios for politicians who, legitimized by voting, will make their own choice. But in many cases, some of these managers assume the role of changing the state and politics without having the proper legitimacy to do so, relying on the authority of the position to which they have risen by “merit”. In doing so, they undermine politics from within and slowly destroy democracy.”

The period following the 1988 Constitution, the authors write, demonstrates that patterns of state-society relations—clientelism, corporatism, and bureaucratic isolation—can only be overcome through structural reforms that will replace them with what belongs to a democratic republican country: “the universalism of procedures and participation.”

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The examples analyzed in the book, they add, also highlight the risks of a technical and meritocratic discourse that seeks to legitimize itself at the expense of politics and that actually hides individual interests or certain groups.

Pedro Abramovei and Gabriela Lotta argue that the structural problems of the Brazilian state will not be solved by meritocratic discourse or by well-meaning and well-educated young people who, in their offices, devote themselves to the technical analysis of measures to eradicate corruption and improve the state.

“For the fulfillment by the State of the purposes set forth in the Constitution, the building of a free, just and solidary society; eradicate poverty; in order to reduce inequality and promote the common good without discrimination, it is necessary to bet on both technology and politics.”

In order for the state to fulfill the goals set out in the Constitution, it is necessary to rely on both technical and political

The book is recommended by two former presidents of the republic. “Politics is fundamental to help overcome historical challenges and build a democracy that confronts its past of violence, does not oppress minorities, and guarantees public participation in decisions about the direction of the country,” Lula writes. In his opinion, “equilibrium democracy” is an indispensable reflection for those who fight for a just Brazil.

Fernando Enrique Cardoso emphasizes that the work combines solid academic research and the experience of those who have worked in government. The authors, he says, offer an original and relevant contribution “to understanding how to seek an unsustainable balance in our democratic construction.”

Balanced Democracy – Politicians and Bureaucrats in Brazil
Pedro Abramovei and Gabriela Lotta
176 pages
Hard copy: BRL 69.90.
E-book: 39.90 reais.
Companhia das Letras

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Learn about electoral law mechanisms that improve the political process



published on 25.09.2022 03:55

(Credit: Minervino Junior/CB/DA Press)

Elections to the Chamber of Deputies will determine much more than the list of Brazilians elected parliamentarians. It will also indicate which parties will have access to party and election funds, which will be eligible for free advertising space on radio and television, and which subtitles will take the lead in the National Congress.

To improve the selection of parliamentarians and the qualifications of parties, the electoral legislation has established a number of mechanisms. This list includes rules such as the restrictive clause, the formation of federations and coalitions, in addition to the electoral coefficient and the party coefficient.

The barrier clause is important to avoid the appearance of rental subtitles or subtitles without ideological and programmatic identity. This is an incentive to build stronger parties, which experts say makes it easier for voters to identify the policies and ideologies that candidates stand for.

Another positive aspect of the barrier clause, or productivity, is the greater ability of governments to negotiate agreements with parliamentary blocs.

Understanding the mechanism of proportional elections, which determines the deputies who will be elected, is not a trivial task. But, in a simplistic way, we can say that this type of election guarantees that all the votes counted will be taken into account, if not the election of the chosen candidate, then the party will form a large bench.

The calculation that determines the number of votes required for an election is the electoral coefficient. The number of seats each party will be entitled to will depend on the party coefficient.

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understand how it works

barrier clause

The regulation, effective in 2022, establishes a minimum performance – a minimum number of votes.
for each party – for subtitles to have access to congressional leadership, campaigning and
party fund money.

To pass the point, a party must elect at least 11 federal deputies in at least 9 states (or DF).

Another way to get around the clause is when the legend has at least
2% of valid votes nationwide. In addition, the party must receive at least 1% of valid votes in at least nine constituent entities of the Federation.

In terms of votes, this means, roughly speaking, that each party would need 2.4 million votes to overcome the barrier clause. This number takes into account 20% abstentions and 5% blank and zero votes, the averages recorded in the last election.

The efficiency clause aims to consolidate the representation of the Brazilian party, which currently has 23 parties in the Chamber of Deputies. In the next election, parties will need to increase the number of votes in order to comply with the rule. In 2026, it will be necessary to reach the figure of 2.5% or 13 congressmen, in 2030 3% or 15 federal deputies.

Coalitions and federations

This year, for the first time, parties were able to form federations. This is an alternative to coalitions banned since 2017 in proportional disputes. For most positions – mayor,
governor, senator and president of the republic – the parties can still form a coalition.

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Approved in 2021, the federation is an alliance of two or more parties acting as one, with a common charter and program, registered with the TSE. The federation must exist for at least four years.

During this period, the parties must act together throughout the country, in unified action.
also in the National Congress. Unlike former coalitions, federations cannot be
closed shortly after the election. While parties retain operational and financial autonomy, the obligation to stand as a bloc in Congress or the next municipal elections represents a major change in model.

selective coefficient

The electoral quotient is obtained by dividing the total number of valid votes in the election of a deputy of the federation by the number of seats to which each unit of the federation is entitled in the Chamber of Deputies. The same formula applies to state meetings.

For example, if a state is entitled to 10 seats in the House of Deputies, and the actual votes for a federal deputy were 1 million, each federal seat will be filled by a factor of 100,000 votes.

party coefficient

The party coefficient determines the number of seats each party or federation will be entitled to in parliament.
Chamber of Deputies or in state assemblies. To get this number, all the votes of candidates from the party, federation or legend are added up. It is then divided by the selective coefficient. For example, if a party received 150,000 votes with an electoral coefficient of 100,000 votes, then the party coefficient would be 1.5 (150/100). That is, the party elects its most voted deputy. The remaining 50,000 votes may or may not guarantee second place.

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Under the rules in force for 2022, all candidates must receive at least 10% of the electoral coefficient.

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Cecilia Toole defends the resumption of political leadership of Vale do Aço



September 25, 2022 | 09:00

Cecilia Toole defends the resumption of political leadership of Vale do Aço

She adds that Vale do Aço is important and makes an economic contribution to the state and the country.

Bruna Lage
The councilor will run for the Federal House in the October elections

(Bruna Lage, correspondent for Diário do Aço)

Former state MP, former mayor and current councilor of Ipatinga Cecilia Ferramenta (Portugal) will run for the Federal Chamber. The federal candidate spoke to Diário do Aço this weekend and revealed his motives for this election.

According to the candidate, since she knows Vale do Aço and especially Ipatinga, she is aware of its problems and the need for the region to be a protagonist in the political space. “Since Vale do Aço hasn’t played a leading role lately, we need politicians who like it here and who know what issues to defend and represent the region,” he says.

She adds that Vale do Aço is important and makes an economic contribution to the state and the country. “But some things are missing, for example, it is unacceptable that there is no federal university in Vale do Aço. For me, this is fundamental, and this is what we did during our tenure as mayor. One of the first things I did was to look for the Federal Institute, and we managed to implement it. At the same time, we started working on the university issue. We even managed to get a publication from the government of Dilma (Roussef) to build a cutting-edge campus for UFOP,” he recalls.

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At that time, the land was donated, but as Cecilia recalls, Dilma lost her mandate and the resource was lost. “We need to be there (as a deputy) in order to move forward with the Federal Institute, which the deputies visit, promise and do not give. I’m from here, I’ll fight to bring resources here. And it depends on the deputy who is from here, but this is not enough, he must know how to do it, and I know how to do it,” he says.

Asked about the importance of being elected as an MP and having a president from the same party besides a senator (Alexandre Silveira, PSD), Cecilia classifies this as fundamental. “This is very important, this union decides everything. We have much more than education, regional healthcare is a problem, Ipatinga has (medical) divisions, but this is not enough. We need to discuss at the regional level, we need to discuss regional health care and place a regional hospital here, which is necessary to provide better care to the entire Vale do Aço region,” he notes.

As for improvements, Cecilia Ferramenta believes that it is necessary to work on logistics and infrastructure, roads and railways. “And in this sense, I am sure that the election of Lula and Alexander Silveira will be beneficial, because we are united. Good times are ahead, I really believe in it,” he foresees.

protection for women
The candidate also mentions that her concerns about anti-women laws are recent and that she was an MP when the María da Peña Law was passed. “We need to strengthen these laws, strengthen the network to protect women. We need to discuss femicide, and not only its consequences, but also a cultural issue, and from an early age. I am the president of Escola do Legislativo and we are working on competitions in schools doing this work by introducing children to the María da Peña Law so that children can take responsibility for this law, as well as the Children and Adolescents Statute and the Law. Federal Constitution,” he concludes.

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