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The book shows how Roberto Mariño understands the intricacies of political power.

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Research Shows Inflation and Political Scenario Influences Real Estate Purchases

SAO PAULO, SP (FOLHAPRESS) – classified as a biographical profile that is hardly a biography, as its author will soon explain, a new book about Roberto Mariño describes the most influential Brazilian of the last century as a 1.64-year-old man. m, which used inner insoles in the shoe to achieve greater heights.

So reports Eugenio Bucci, signing “Roberto Mariño: Um Jornalista e Seu Boneco Imaginário” (Cia. Das Letras).

At 329 pages, Bucci draws a profile that can explain the successful trajectory of his character, based on the connection between the episode of childhood aggression by the founder of Globo and the description of his favorite painting José Pancetti “On Boneko” (1902-58), displayed on one of the walls of the mansion in Cosme Velho. where the owner of Globo lived for many years until he died in 2003 at the age of 98.

Meanwhile, the author goes through the history of building the largest communication empire in the country from the newspaper A Noite, founded by the patriarch Irineu Mariño, a business that was lost due to a partner who betrayed his trust. to the creation and development of the Rede Globo, providing an overview of the press and entertainment industry in the 20th century.

It was as a result of the competition for the name of the new Marinho newspaper that the name O Globo was born, which would later be called Globo and would become the strongest media brand in the country.

The book explores the subject’s enviable ability from an early age to navigate the intricacies of political and economic power that made him an ally of Getulio Vargas back in 1930 – with a hiatus shortly thereafter, just in time to disunite. himself from Vargas’ support of Nazism.

He is also redefining his relationship with the military regime, which came about without facing the servility of handing over communist heads, which the boss covered in the newspaper and on television, duly protected by him.

And it comes to the 1989 election, when then-candidate Fernando Collor de Mello, whose father Arnon de Mello, whom he had known for a long time, was the clear favorite.

With a bad eye, Arnon had affairs with Mariño and was clearly defended by the pages of the O Globo newspaper when he shot Sylvester Pericles in the Senate in 1963, shooting his colleague Jose Kairal of Acre, who died.

The stories of the first boxing scene with the eldest son Irineu Mariño, when he hit a guy in the street who attacked him as a child at school, are part of a memoir annotated by Roberto Mariño himself in an autobiographical essay that he will never write. under the title “Sentenced to Success.”

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“This name is wonderful,” Bucci comments in an interview with the report. In the book, the author notes that “it was a hidden, unconscious memory of a knocked out child that pushed him into battle,” and this fact was the result of all his achievements.

To this Bucci connects Marinho’s interpretation of “O Boneco” in a statement made at the request of curator Licia Olivieri in 1991: “Every time I look at this little painting by Pancetti, I have a moving feeling as if I’m looking inward. … It has an evocative power that fascinates me because inside this doll is a boy, shrouded in loneliness, mystery and fantasy. […]”

“The experience in which he tells how his classmate beat him in school is very powerful,” Bucci concludes. “And judging by the light emitted by the painting“ Mannequin ”, there is a connection with the understanding of this figure. This is admirable, including on my part, ”he explains.

As a professor at the USP School of Communications and Arts (ECA), Bucci has devoted himself almost 30 years to understanding television, from concept to audience perception, as he already confirmed in his book O Brasil em Tempo. de TV ”(Boitempo, 1996), where he traces the relevance of television, led by Globo, to the military unification project of the post-Embratel regime.

“I had this view of it as I studied it, and it is a very powerful thing in my life.” On the basis of reading articles, books and restoring old research and studies, “a kind of psychological key to the character began to emerge.”

“Of course, I do not want and do not have a license to conduct a psychological or psychoanalytic analysis of a person, including a person who has already died, this is not the case. But this story about aggressiveness, belligerence began to appear to me, it seemed to me, as it were. that I did these readings until I saw what he wrote about ‘Dummy’ and I saw that it was a revelation of who he was. “

Through various texts on television in his journalistic background, Bucci often sharply criticized Roberto Mariño, a man who called himself a “doctor” despite his lack of academic education.

But he admits that he himself was touched when he visited the Cosme Velho mansion in Rio, which was turned into a museum, and looked at “O Boneko” from the point of view of his biography.

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It was in 2013, after participating in the Roda Viva as an interviewee, which Bucci said he received from Mario Sergio Conti, then TV Cultura host and Cia coordinator. Perfis Brasileiros collection Das Letrasa, first invitation to write about the creator of Globo.

“A profile is a way to look at a character,” he explains.

“This is a classic category in journalism. Maybe because of my background, when I get curious, my first reaction is to go to my library or library. I will read about this subject first, and at the same time I started talking to people and citing sources, in addition to having many follow-up posts that I did with Globo over the years. “

One of the voices specifically heard for the current book was João Roberto Mariño, now president of Grupo Globo, who has always been at the head of the group’s editorial line since his father left the role shortly before his death.

Bucci takes the opportunity to confirm with him one of the controversial episodes narrated by journalist Leonencio Nossa in what he himself considers Roberto Mariño’s main biography, “O Poder Está no Ar”, the original project of Cia. Das Letras, which eventually ended up being published by Nova Fronteira.

The case concerns a promised loan that banker Walter Moreira Salles will provide to Roberto Mariño to pay off his debt to Citibank.

The institution helped Mariño at a time when the station needed to get rid of its partnership with the Time-Life group, with which the station associated itself in its early years on the air and which it had to get rid of due to legal restrictions. on partnership with collectives of foreigners in radio broadcasting.

Leonencio reports through three sources that Walter Moreira Salles will pay off the debt he owed to Citibank in exchange for a takeover of Globo.

Bucci Joao Roberto says he does not believe this version that Moreira Salles would be a traitor because his father and the banker seemed to have a great relationship, but this does not refute this possibility.

“I think it was difficult to have Walther, but there are a lot of people who say it happened. So I cannot rule out this hypothesis, ”he admits.

The fact is that Roberto Mariño saved Jose Luis de Magallains Lins, one of the top executives of Banco Nacional, who is even one of the sources Leonencio heard in the biography of New Fronteira.

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Publication of Bucci’s book from the Perfis Brasileiros series in the same Cia. Das Letras, who lost Leonencio’s book to New Fronteira, sparked rumors that the publisher wanted to release another biography to make up for the loss of the previous one.

But Bucci claims that his goal was indeed a profile, not a biography, which he said he didn’t have time for. “The proposal is completely different, I didn’t want to do a biography and I couldn’t. I didn’t have the time and energy needed for a big project. “

“I have no intention of making big disclosures, the book is not that interesting in this aspect. I am interested in the profile, who is this figure, who in her early 20s began to occupy leading positions in the newspaper and runs it. scenes for 70 years “.

“There is a biography of Pedro Biala. [Ed. Zahar, 2004], Leonencio and others may appear [livros]”I even hope that they will appear, because this is one who includes a lot of research, he is a key name in the evolution of Brazilian capitalism in the second half of the 20th century.”

In its report, Cia. Das Letras denies that Bucci’s book is some kind of compensation for Leonencio, which the publisher is battling in court, as the journalist and biographer, claiming they were embarrassingly interfering with the work, left the publisher and published the book. by Nova Fronteira.

Also through its recommendations, Companhia das Letras denies tampering with the book and says that Bucci’s profile was created at the same time as Leonencio’s biography, since the two products are not mutually exclusive.

As an example, the publisher cites the biography of Getulio Vargas, written by Lira Neto in 2012, and the profile of the same character, written by Boris Fausto in 2006. Another example of duality is D. Pedro 2º, who has a biography “As Barbas do Imperador” by Lilia Schwartz, 1998, and “D. Pedro 2º”, also from the Perfis Brasileiros series, 2007, created by José Murilo de Carvalho.

*

“ROBERTO MARINJO – JOURNALIST AND HIS IMAGINARY DOLL”

Price: 84.90 BRL

Author: Eugenio Bucci

Publisher: Cia. Das letras

Production: 329 pages

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Politics

Rodrigo multiplies the transfer of political funds to the allies – 25.09.2022 – Poder

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Rodrigo multiplies the transfer of political funds to the allies - 25.09.2022 - Poder

São Paulo governor since April and candidate for re-election, Rodrigo Garcia (PSDB), has maintained the practice of his predecessor João Doria (PSDB), of whom he was deputy governor, to multiply transfers of political funds to serve parliamentarians.

From January this year to the end of July, according to data obtained through the Law on Access to Information (LAI), the administration of Rodrigo e Doria allocated 1.28 billion reais to deputies in the form of resources to supplement its political base with benefits such as jobs and expenses.with health.

Like last year, even federal deputies were noticed in an unusual action.

BUT Sheet revealed that Doria had authorized BRL 1.05 billion (BRL 1.17 billion as adjusted) for parliamentarians for the same period in 2021. In 2020, the amount transferred was BRL 182.9 million (BRL 213.7 million as amended).

There has been a leap promoted by Doria and Rodrigo in pivotal years, from the Toucan primary in 2021 and the election in 2022.

Among the 14 parties under consideration, 9 make up Rodrigo’s coalition. The first six positions in the budget rating are occupied by the legends of this allied group.

The Tucana campaign hopes that, with the support of the public machine, the actions of mayors and deputies of the interior will contribute to a turn that will take Rodrigo to the second round in this last stretch.

The governor scored 19% in the latest Datafolha poll, behind Fernando Haddad (Portugal) with 34% and Tarcisio de Freitas (Republicans) with 23%.

The transfer of this amount, called a parliamentary demand, follows the logic of additional or voluntary amendments. That is, payment is optional and occurs at the discretion of the Tukan government, which ultimately benefits the allied base.

Impositional amendments are mandatory and are distributed equally among the 94 state deputies. The cost, however, is well below the budget allocated to the Allies. This year, each deputy is entitled to about 6.6 million reais (about 620 million reais in total).

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The TCE (State Audit Court) in its analysis of public accounts for 2021 cited evidence of a political distribution of values, as well as a lack of control and transparency regarding transfers.

Toucan opponents see the use of public funds as an electoral trump card to win the support of mayors, deputies and parties, which could lead to suspicions of abuse of power or administrative offenses, lawyers say. However, the introduction of additional amendments is common and legal in the system of public administration.

Last week, Rodrigo’s campaign began distributing a newspaper listing the government’s accomplishments in each city.

State MP Carlos Giannasi (PSOL) has already proposed a CPI on the issue, but has not received the required signatures from peers. “They’re replicating the same practices that Bolsonaro did,” he says of the speaker’s amendments supporting congressional support for the chief executive.

“This is an open way of co-opting deputies. So the government can take such unpopular measures. And it works very well because the mayors depend on the amendments,” he says.

Also, according to Giannatsi, what he calls clientelism creates unequal competition in elections between grassroots MPs, who have more storefronts, and opposition MPs. PSOL, for example, did not receive additional money.

The government stated that the service to parliamentarians is legal and that the requests are subject to technical analysis. The press service said that the appeals are about claims sent for processing, and that “this does not mean that all of them were actually paid.”

Parliamentary demands have been filed in 639 of the state’s 645 municipalities. In the elections, Rodrigo enjoys the support of the majority of mayors – according to the campaign, 511 mayors and more than 2,000 councilors attended a rally in the capital on Monday (19).

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“Get up a little earlier and stay up a little later to ask for votes,” the governor urged while speaking at the event. “I need every one of you in your city,” he said. Rodrigo also stated that he would be able to find out who was on his side.

The resource was used by 59 state deputies and 24 federal deputies, including the chairmen of the parties (Podemos, Solidariada and MDB) that are members of the Tukano coalition. Federal MP Guilherme Moussi (PP-SP) received the most funds with 74.9 million reais. He did not respond to the report.

Even Rodrigo’s allies claim that there was an attempt to attract the PP. The party supports Jair Bolsonaro (PL) at the national level, but in São Paulo, instead of supporting Tarcisio, it has merged with the PSDB.

Among the state winners was Leo Oliveira (MDB) with 49.5 million reais. The MP says that he uses technical and transparent criteria to determine the amendments. “The indication of these resources was mainly for public health, […] affecting the efficiency of public service delivery”.

Haddad’s campaign coordinator, State MP Emidio de Souza (PT) donated 2.5 million reais, the same amount as other members of the PT. In total, PT received 28.6 million reais.

Emidio told Sheet that the MP’s task is to deliver resources to the cities, and that he indicated amendments to “requirements that the government did not prioritize”. “Fortunately, some of them have been taken into account, and who benefits from this is the population,” he says.

Abbreviations for the PT and Tarcísio coalition, such as Republicans (30 million reais) and PSD (25 million reais), are at the bottom of the rankings. At the top are PSDB (292.6 million reais) and União Brasil (215 million reais).

Rodrigo’s deputy, federal deputy Geninho Zuliani (União-SP), released 19.1 million reais. He also did not respond to the message.

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The cost of each demand varies from 15,000 to 20 million reais – two additional amendments to this amount were intended for federal deputy Renata Abreu (Podemos-SP). Renata’s adviser states that Podemos was already at the heart of the government before and that if she had “a prominent position in obtaining resources, this is synonymous with the effectiveness of the mandate.”

The details of parliamentary demands are not published by the government on the transparency portal. After being requested through LAI, management sent thousands of PDFs corresponding to each request – there is no systematization and public transparency regarding these data.

Last year, the data was published after only seven requests through the LAI and physically delivered. More than 5,000 sheets of paper had to be photographed for the reportage.

The transfer is legal, the joint venture government believes

The government stated that “legitimate assistance to elected parliamentarians” was not irregular and that “the newspaper reproduces the speech of the PT candidate”. “In his opinion, the government should stop serving the municipalities and paralyze payments that support medical services until the electoral process is completed.”

The government also says it evaluates demand proposals made by citizens, organizations or through representatives and mayors. “All requests are subject to technical analysis by the secretariats, which assess the possibility of service. The criterion is the public interest. The process is transparent,” he says.

The note also said that, as PT and the Republicans suggested, “it is not true that non-base parties are not served.” “It is impossible to make any comparison with 2020, an atypical and especially relevant year,” he concludes, referring to the pandemic.

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Politicians, technical managers and the complex balance of democracy

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Politicians, technical managers and the complex balance of democracy

Even before the formation of the New Republic, in March 1985, a significant number of technical personnel were called upon to form the civilian government of Tancredo Neves, the first post-war dictatorship. The President, however, died, and his replacement, José Sarny, eventually retained the team.

He did this because there was a buzz that the arrival of competent professionals in strategic positions would be enough to transform a country that had 21 years of oppression and repression and that had become a symbol of inefficiency, incompetence and corruption at all levels.

Based on this relevant and almost forgotten detail, Pedro Abramovei and Gabriela Lotta propose for discussion in Balanced Democracy – Politicians and Bureaucrats in Brazil (Companhia das Letras) a still topical issue: solutions to the country’s problems will never appear only statistics and graphs of highly qualified technicians .

The two begin with the personal life and ideas of the political scientist Florestan Fernandez at the beginning of the redemocratization, when he warned that there would be a New Republic if democratic social forces jumped into action and did not leave this role in the hands of the government to solve problems. “They will make a democratic revolution, not a government,” Fernandes says.

In one of his last articles, published six years after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution on October 5, 1988, Fernandes drew attention to the constant possibility of democratic processes being captured by the bureaucracy.

“The association of bureaucrats and technocrats with politicians contributes to the depoliticization of party institutions from right to left. It stimulates personal career ambitions and private projects, divorced from the priority needs of the team. So it reinforces conformism, potential fascism and plutocracy.”

The association of bureaucrats and technocrats with politicians contributes to the depoliticization of party institutions.

In this context, both political scientists argue that the tension that exists between a strong and independent bureaucracy and the natural debate about democracy – with the broad participation of students, workers, indigenous people and many other social forces that are the engines of democracy – reaches the limit. the heart of building a healthy and effective diet.

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In support of the study, they discuss topics such as patrimonialism, meritocracy, and the politicization of the judiciary, in addition to major recent discussions such as the Civil Rights Framework for the Internet, drug policy, and the Statute of Indigenous Peoples.

An example of the discrepancy between technocracy and politics can be seen in the anti-drug campaigns. “Alienation, the product of ideology, allows drug policy to be judged on the basis of process indicators, rather than indicators related to the overall policy goals, which in this case would be to improve the health and safety of people,” they write. the authors.

“But policy evaluation is based on the number of prisoners, the number of drugs seized and, in some countries, even the number of deaths. That is, if people use more drugs and die more often from drugs, but the police make more arrests and more arrests, politicians can present their failure as a success.”

The adoption of this inappropriate position can only be explained by ideology – and the power with which it can cause alienation. And here, once again, the belief that the technical approach can solve all problems collapses, the authors say.

Abramovei is a lawyer with an IESP-UERJ PhD in Political Science and has held several positions in two of Lula’s administrations (2003-2011), including National Secretary of Justice. From this personal experience, he reports episodes that help to understand his arguments.

Lotta is Professor of Public Administration at FGV-SP, PhD in Political Science and Researcher at the Center for Metropolitan Studies, and in 2021 she was a Visiting Professor at the University of Oxford. Together they draw conclusions that deserve reflection. , because of the serious moment of instability that runs through the country.

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Since the mid-2000s, they write, the slogan “Brazil needs managers, technicians, not politicians” has gained momentum and has become one of the central issues in the elections of the last decade, when politics has come to be seen as an expression, not of democracy, but of corruption.

Since the 2000s, the slogan “Brazil needs managers, technicians, not politicians” has been gaining momentum and has become one of the central issues in the elections of the last decade.

“The idea was reinforced that public policy decisions could be made by well-educated managers of any ideology: the difference between left and right would be insignificant if it existed at all.”

They explain that for every problem in society there must be the right public policy, which must be determined and implemented by a specialist who can do without dialogue with various sections of society. Of course, they argue, there is no good politics without good governance.

“Public managers must technically create the most suitable scenarios for politicians who, legitimized by voting, will make their own choice. But in many cases, some of these managers assume the role of changing the state and politics without having the proper legitimacy to do so, relying on the authority of the position to which they have risen by “merit”. In doing so, they undermine politics from within and slowly destroy democracy.”

The period following the 1988 Constitution, the authors write, demonstrates that patterns of state-society relations—clientelism, corporatism, and bureaucratic isolation—can only be overcome through structural reforms that will replace them with what belongs to a democratic republican country: “the universalism of procedures and participation.”

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The examples analyzed in the book, they add, also highlight the risks of a technical and meritocratic discourse that seeks to legitimize itself at the expense of politics and that actually hides individual interests or certain groups.

Pedro Abramovei and Gabriela Lotta argue that the structural problems of the Brazilian state will not be solved by meritocratic discourse or by well-meaning and well-educated young people who, in their offices, devote themselves to the technical analysis of measures to eradicate corruption and improve the state.

“For the fulfillment by the State of the purposes set forth in the Constitution, the building of a free, just and solidary society; eradicate poverty; in order to reduce inequality and promote the common good without discrimination, it is necessary to bet on both technology and politics.”

In order for the state to fulfill the goals set out in the Constitution, it is necessary to rely on both technical and political

The book is recommended by two former presidents of the republic. “Politics is fundamental to help overcome historical challenges and build a democracy that confronts its past of violence, does not oppress minorities, and guarantees public participation in decisions about the direction of the country,” Lula writes. In his opinion, “equilibrium democracy” is an indispensable reflection for those who fight for a just Brazil.

Fernando Enrique Cardoso emphasizes that the work combines solid academic research and the experience of those who have worked in government. The authors, he says, offer an original and relevant contribution “to understanding how to seek an unsustainable balance in our democratic construction.”

Service:
Balanced Democracy – Politicians and Bureaucrats in Brazil
Pedro Abramovei and Gabriela Lotta
176 pages
Hard copy: BRL 69.90.
E-book: 39.90 reais.
Companhia das Letras

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Politics

Learn about electoral law mechanisms that improve the political process

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published on 25.09.2022 03:55


(Credit: Minervino Junior/CB/DA Press)

Elections to the Chamber of Deputies will determine much more than the list of Brazilians elected parliamentarians. It will also indicate which parties will have access to party and election funds, which will be eligible for free advertising space on radio and television, and which subtitles will take the lead in the National Congress.

To improve the selection of parliamentarians and the qualifications of parties, the electoral legislation has established a number of mechanisms. This list includes rules such as the restrictive clause, the formation of federations and coalitions, in addition to the electoral coefficient and the party coefficient.

The barrier clause is important to avoid the appearance of rental subtitles or subtitles without ideological and programmatic identity. This is an incentive to build stronger parties, which experts say makes it easier for voters to identify the policies and ideologies that candidates stand for.

Another positive aspect of the barrier clause, or productivity, is the greater ability of governments to negotiate agreements with parliamentary blocs.

Understanding the mechanism of proportional elections, which determines the deputies who will be elected, is not a trivial task. But, in a simplistic way, we can say that this type of election guarantees that all the votes counted will be taken into account, if not the election of the chosen candidate, then the party will form a large bench.

The calculation that determines the number of votes required for an election is the electoral coefficient. The number of seats each party will be entitled to will depend on the party coefficient.

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understand how it works

barrier clause

The regulation, effective in 2022, establishes a minimum performance – a minimum number of votes.
for each party – for subtitles to have access to congressional leadership, campaigning and
party fund money.

To pass the point, a party must elect at least 11 federal deputies in at least 9 states (or DF).

Another way to get around the clause is when the legend has at least
2% of valid votes nationwide. In addition, the party must receive at least 1% of valid votes in at least nine constituent entities of the Federation.

In terms of votes, this means, roughly speaking, that each party would need 2.4 million votes to overcome the barrier clause. This number takes into account 20% abstentions and 5% blank and zero votes, the averages recorded in the last election.

The efficiency clause aims to consolidate the representation of the Brazilian party, which currently has 23 parties in the Chamber of Deputies. In the next election, parties will need to increase the number of votes in order to comply with the rule. In 2026, it will be necessary to reach the figure of 2.5% or 13 congressmen, in 2030 3% or 15 federal deputies.

Coalitions and federations

This year, for the first time, parties were able to form federations. This is an alternative to coalitions banned since 2017 in proportional disputes. For most positions – mayor,
governor, senator and president of the republic – the parties can still form a coalition.

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Approved in 2021, the federation is an alliance of two or more parties acting as one, with a common charter and program, registered with the TSE. The federation must exist for at least four years.

During this period, the parties must act together throughout the country, in unified action.
also in the National Congress. Unlike former coalitions, federations cannot be
closed shortly after the election. While parties retain operational and financial autonomy, the obligation to stand as a bloc in Congress or the next municipal elections represents a major change in model.

selective coefficient

The electoral quotient is obtained by dividing the total number of valid votes in the election of a deputy of the federation by the number of seats to which each unit of the federation is entitled in the Chamber of Deputies. The same formula applies to state meetings.

For example, if a state is entitled to 10 seats in the House of Deputies, and the actual votes for a federal deputy were 1 million, each federal seat will be filled by a factor of 100,000 votes.

party coefficient

The party coefficient determines the number of seats each party or federation will be entitled to in parliament.
Chamber of Deputies or in state assemblies. To get this number, all the votes of candidates from the party, federation or legend are added up. It is then divided by the selective coefficient. For example, if a party received 150,000 votes with an electoral coefficient of 100,000 votes, then the party coefficient would be 1.5 (150/100). That is, the party elects its most voted deputy. The remaining 50,000 votes may or may not guarantee second place.

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Under the rules in force for 2022, all candidates must receive at least 10% of the electoral coefficient.


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