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Black Bench: Representation and Power Struggle



Black Bench: Representation and Power Struggle

One year after the election of the first black bench of the Porto Alegre City Council, composed of four councilors and this councilor who speaks to you, preliminary conclusions can be drawn about the importance of this representation in institutional policy as part of an analysis that deserves to be compiled nationally. level, observing the different experiences of blacks in the legislature.

In his famous book Structural Racism (Pólen, 2019), Professor Silvio Almeida speaks about two important effects of representation in the fight against racial discrimination: first, the possibility of opening up the political space for our demands, especially when it keeps these representatives connected with a collective political project; and, following this process, the struggle to dismantle the discriminatory narratives that for so many years justified our absence from the power space. These hypotheses are presented with the awareness that black representation does not mean a black power constitution, that is, they are aspects of an ongoing political struggle in which the outcome is not determined a priori.

Reaffirming this point, I think that the big responsibility of the new generation of Brazilian black leaders is to expand the advancement of our political representation, but without adapting to the rules of the establishment, which is not conducive to improving the living conditions of black people. …

To those who feared our identity or the essentialization of the political struggle for our mandates, we responded with a universal agenda.

Here I will briefly highlight the precious reflections that activist Kiang Yamahtta Taylor expresses in her book Black Lives Matter and Black Liberation (Elefante, 2020). The author scathingly criticizes the form and content of the integration of black women and men into the US political system. In his opinion, this process was used by the bourgeoisie as a weapon to reduce the impulse of the black movement’s radicalism and to promote the logic of replacing collective references with individual aspirations. Currently, there are several US cities in which “black power” has established itself, be it mayors, legislative majority, prosecutors, judges or police chiefs. However, as we see with every wave of black protest, this gradual strategy of taking over institutions did not diminish the structural racial inequality that underlies imperialism, it only revealed tactics that were different from the struggle of blacks.

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Taking this experience as one possible reference for our reflection, we know that this is not just a problem, especially in the midst of a national situation that combines health, environmental and economic crises with advances in institutional authoritarianism. It is in this reality that I ask myself every day: how to make our presence a tool for changing the living conditions of our people? How can we make our presence effective, especially in the state capital, which according to the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics) Human Development Index for Urban Human Development is the most racially segregated in the entire country?

In this sense, I said that our main achievement so far has been to consolidate the anti-racist political agenda in public debate in our city. While the black group is still in its infancy in form – we are far from articulating the style of the black faction in the US Congress – we are building commonalities in parliamentary action and constant communication with social movements, especially black and peripheral organizations. with a popular identity and anti-capitalists.

During this year, our work has evolved centrally through a program that combined the fight against hunger and food insecurity with the advocacy of income redistribution policies for the more than 160,000 people living in poverty in the city; fighting to strengthen community services (health, transport, education and social assistance) against privatization and labor instability; and protecting the environmental value of black and indigenous peoples’ culture and heritage in a context where discussions on the Urban and Environmental Master Plan are ignored in favor of corporate interests.

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This is the program of the opposition of the mayor’s office of the ICBM, which harbored pocket budgets and radical neoliberals in their government. These politicians have always treated black and peripheral actors as passive agents or objects of patronage and paternalistic practices, one of the most categorical examples being the complete destruction of the Participatory Budget in the last four administrations of the right and center-right. Soon our presence became an insoluble problem for them. Despite a clear boycott of the demands we make – from the simplest, in the form of hundreds of requests for providence, to approved projects, such as the extraordinary spin-off policy that our mandate has endorsed in the House in the form of a draft mayor’s appointment – we force ourselves to be heard through the relationship between mandates and people’s self-organization.

If the balance of power in the institutional structure still does not allow us to achieve more than one-off victories, as in the case of the recent approval of bills proposed by the Institute Mariel Franco, this agenda has mobilized dreams, awakened the political imaginations of our communities and gave importance to our presence in institutional politics. This is an accumulation of forces in the opposite direction of the adaptation that Taylor criticized in the case of the United States.

Finally, it is important to note that this practice does not “only” visualize the black population. For those who feared our identity or the essentialization of the political struggle for our mandates, we responded with a universal agenda, seeking to prove that the black political project in a society based on structural racism is a project for the majority. or is it a real program of social justice and democracy that our people have never experienced. We are still fighting, Axé!

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Pabllo Vittar appears live and announces the vote for the politician: “He helped my family.”



Pabllo Vittar appears live and announces the vote for the politician: "He helped my family."

Pabllo Vittar appears at a political event for Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s campaign and announces what his vote will be in the next presidential election.

Monday evening (26th) Pablo Vittar surprised his followers by appearing on superlive Brazil Hopewhich took place in Sao Paulo. The event was the last Luis Inacio Lula da Silvacandidate for the presidency of the republic.

On stage, the most popular drag queen in the world decided to say a few words before the performance Luquinhaswho does he work with come back to stay. Directly, the artist ordered to vote for the politician and recalled how important the government was in her life.

“I wanted to tell you how important it is to appreciate culture and education in our country. Mr. President, if you are listening to me, know that I love you very much and it is thanks to you that I have become one of the greatest artists in the country.”began Pablo Vittar.

“Bolsa Familia helped me a lot. [família]when we needed it the most and I will never forget it. I will vote like never before, with the belief that I must renew the history of this country and that we can live better years. Not only for artists, but also for maids, cooks, porters and people who really need it.”— added the singer.


During your day this Friday (23), Sonya Abram almost “became a jaguar” live on RedeTV! blow up Bruno Luperiminus Benedito Ruy Barbosaresponsible for the authorship of the remake wetland to Globo.

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“For a change, it did not live up to expectations and, for a change, did not correspond to the texts that we had access to, that we knew about. That did not happen. Again, that didn’t happen”– said the host.

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Woman in political exercise as a RIG professional



Women in institutional and government response

Women working in political, business and public environments are perceived as professionals in institutional and government relations (RIG), or lobby/advocacymore and more accepted and recognized.

The professional woman in RIG stands out for her knowledge of the legislative process and, above all, her ability to argue and defend positions, as well as to build narratives that convince political actors to defend certain projects, influence and set agendas for committee meetings and plenary sessions. meetings in the Legislative Chambers.

Thus, the power of the RelGovers women, or women in RIG, is not small. This, too, is deserving of contempt and restraint, which often comes from practices that threaten their body, voice, and perspective because they are women.

Historical aspects and how we are now

It is known that the construction of female and male identities and the formation of male superiority and dominance were determined by the biological and historically constructed fate of generations. The woman will have to procreate and take care of the family structure, while the man will be responsible for material diligence about livelihood and external contacts with the surrounding society.

In this context, the advancement of women in the socio-economic and political environment was perceived as opposing male domination, which consequently led to the development of forms of violence against women and the understanding of such violence.

However, there is a concern that increases with each generation and is accompanied by new ways of perceiving women in society and their social functions. The problems of the political rise of minority groups and insecure access to fundamental rights were overcome by creating state structures and laws that allowed social and political development based on access to rights. Two important political and legal advances have been made in advancing the figure and body of women beyond niches: access to specific public rights and policies and their economic empowerment.

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At present, the premises of the Legislative Chambers and state bodies are occupied by more and more women, who differ from men in figures, as a rule, white and middle-aged. However, the data also show that access to jobs, especially leadership positions, is dominated by men.

Understanding the problems associated with the increasing role of women in public and political life is largely related to understanding the forms of violence against women that are committed daily in these conditions. After all, it is through violence that we see resistance to the empowerment and social, economic and political ascent of women in society. When women occupy predominantly male positions, such as the legislative chamber, the judiciary, and the executive, the complexity of apparently patriarchal structures is called into question.

Violence Against Women RelGovers

How do we women of RelGovers feel and be victims of violence at different times in a professional context? Violence is felt, for example, when a woman is suddenly interrupted by a man in a meeting. This phenomenon is now known as interrupt and formally considered psychological abuse.

There are also situations in which a woman, realizing her expertise and positions, explains something important from a technical point of view, and then watches how a person internalizes his explanation and idea. This phenomenon is also recognized as psychological violence, the so-called. bropriation.

When more attention is paid to male figures, which happens when formal positions are declared in masculine rather than feminine, there is symbolic abuse due to the misuse of the masculine term when a woman holds office. and function.

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Women in politics in numbers

Studies such as the Inter-Parliamentary Union and the World Economic Forum, an organization that promotes reflection on the parliamentary context of several countries, condemn this Brazil ranks 142nd in ranging with 192 countries, in terms of women’s participation in politics. Also, according to the World Economic Forum, Brazil ranked 93rd out of 156 countries in 2021 for the presence of women in formal political power.

The decline in the presence of women in politics is so strong on a global scale that it deserves a separate term to explain this phenomenon. secessiontranslates as feminine recession. Studies show that under the current scenario, it will take 135.6 years to achieve full equality between women and men..

In addition, the IBGE gender indicators condemn various aspects of inequality. Women have the best educational records, have the best school attendance rates, and make up the majority of the population with tertiary education in Brazil. However, only 39.1% of leadership positions are held by women and Men’s earnings are on average 20.5% higher than women’s.

women in congress

It is important to note that in the Legislature from 2018 to 2022 in the Chamber of Deputies there are 77 deputies out of a total of 513. On the other hand, in the Federal Senate there are 16 senators out of a total of 81.

In the RIG environment, men make up the majority in career and leadership positions, making up 60% of coordinators and 70% of directors. Only assistant and analyst positions are dominated by women, accounting for 60% and 58% of positions, respectively.

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look into the future

The statistics give us a difficult scenario for women as they show the persistence of inequalities between women and men. Michelle Bachelet, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, offers us the continuity of efforts and the importance of women occupying formal spaces of power: “When a woman enters politics, a woman changes. When many women enter politics, politics changes.”

Thus, advocacy before parliaments, which comes with the proposition of guidelines and legislative proposals and with the construction of qualified information – reports, policy analyzes and technical notes, demonstrates how the implementation of institutional and governmental relations expands the debate about public life. politics and law, and the promotion of different points of view and interests that deserve to be represented.

A gradual change in scenario with more women in RIG careers, in addition to advances in research and legislation to protect women and empower them socioeconomically, presents a promising picture. Overcoming the structures of patriarchal domination and inequality between women and men is slow, but gradually, women began to be perceived, heard and respected. This is what we are looking for more and more.

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At Roda Viva, Enrique Meirelles answers questions about the future in politics



At Roda Viva, Enrique Meirelles answers questions about the future in politics

Interview with Roda Viva this Monday (26) Enrique Meirelles, former President of the Central Bank in the two governments of former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (PT).

Former finance minister under Michel Temer and most recently financial secretary to former governor Joao Doria, he was also international president of BankBoston between 1996 and 1999 and candidate for President of the Republic in the 2018 elections for the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB). .

As finance minister, he approved labor reform and PEC 95, known as PEC do Seto dos Gastos Publicos. In this final stretch of the election campaign, he declared his support for the PT. He does not rule out talks about participating in a possible Lula government, but has already said that the budget ceiling must be maintained and respected.

In the program, he answers whether he will try to enter political life again or not. In 2018, he was MDB’s presidential candidate. He finished in seventh place with 1.2% of the valid votes.

“I am not a career politician, I applied in 2002 and was elected, and then went to the Central Bank, so I did not make a political career. After running for president in 2018, I thought I should make a proposal to the country. I did it and I think I did well. But I am not a professional politician. I was invited to be a candidate for senators, I analyzed it well and came to the conclusion that this is not what I want. I understand that this is not the time to start [a ser político]” replies.

Alex Ribeiro, Special Reporter for Valor Econômico, Alvaro Gribel, Columnist for O Globo, Economic Columnist for TV Gazeta Denise Campos de Toledo, Special Reporter for Folha de S. Paulo Julio Wiziack, and Tais Carranza, Reporter for BBC News, Brazil.

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See the full program:

With the presentation of Vera Magalhaes, the program will be broadcast live at 22:00 on the Kultura TV channel. broadcaster websitechannel do YouTube, Dailymotionand on social networks Twitter e facebook.

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