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A year after the elections, the city still does not know what its political future will be.

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A year after the elections, the city still does not know what its political future will be.

29 / Nov 19:13

Luana Motta


The end of the semester of the panel of judges will take place on Friday, December 17th. Until then, the High Electoral Court (TSE) can return to the agenda of the process that will determine whether the candidate with the most votes in the 2020 municipal elections, Rubens Bomtempo (PSB), can serve as mayor. This Monday, November 29, is the election year. For nearly 11 months, Petropolis was run by an interim government headed by Councilor Hingo Hammes (DEM), the city council president.

In the 2020 elections, Bomtempo received the most votes out of 13 candidates running for mayor. In the first round, he came out ahead with 39,093 votes, which corresponds to 27.37% of the valid votes. In the second round, he won a dispute with 64,907 votes (55.17% of valid votes) against then-Mayor Bernardo Rossi (Poland).

Bomtempo participated in the first round with the registration of the candidature issued by the District Electoral Court (TRE) in Petropolis. However, the TRE Collegium in Rio de Janeiro denied registration three days before the second round due to a final and non-appealable conviction concerning the mayor’s installment payment of debts by the mayor’s office with the Institute of Social Security for Municipal Employees (Inpas) in the former mayor’s second term.

An appeal could have been filed with the High Electoral Court (TSE), but the case was not heard by the deadline for graduation, December 18, 2020. At the same time, after legal procedures, it was the chairman of the chamber, a member of the council headed by Hingo Hammes, elected by six out of 14 votes.

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Bomtempo took office in January in the Rio de Janeiro State Legislature (Alerge). He filled the vacancy left by MP Renan Ferreirinha (PSB), who was appointed Minister of Education of the City of Rio de Janeiro in the government of Eduardo Paez.

Even with many twists and turns, the Bomtempo case is far from over. The case, which is being processed by TSE, still has no date to judge.

A year of many upheavals

This year, the Rubens Bomtempo case has undergone different twists and turns and decisions in different courts. The defense of the current deputy of the state exposed plagiarism in the verdict, which deprived him of political rights, and tried to overturn this verdict in order to restore the right to participate in elections and to decide on the adoption of the decision of the mayor’s office.

Bomtempo filed a cancellation lawsuit before the Court of Justice (TJ-RJ), but the Rio court dismissed the appeal. Bomtempo petitioned the 4th Civil Court to overturn the sentence, and Judge Claudia Weeder of the 4th Civil Court granted the motion in July. In the decision, Wider indicated that 72% of the verdict in which he was found guilty was copied from another trial, against the former mayor of Traiano de Moraes municipality Sergio Eduardo Melo Gomes. Following the decision, the prosecutor’s office appealed, and the decision was soon overturned by the TJRJ Court of Rio de Janeiro.

Despite this, Bomtempo’s defense filed an appeal with the High Electoral Court asking for his inauguration. After four months, the trial ended and was returned from the agenda of the judgment at least three times. The case was heard in August, but Minister Alexandre de Moraes requested an opinion, “suspending” the analysis. The case even returned to the court agenda on November 4, but was again withdrawn.

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And amid all these appeals, the new High Court of Justice (STJ) ruling rocked the local political scene. On November 12, STJ President, Minister Humberto Martins suspended the decision of the Rio de Janeiro court barring Bomtempo from taking over as mayor of Petropolis. STJ admitted that the decision stripping them of their political rights contained plagiarism, just as Judge Claudia Wieder rendered the decision in July.

On November 18, Bomtempo’s defense attached the STJ minister’s decision to the TSE process and is awaiting progress, but there is still no date for a new trial. The inauguration of the candidate with the most votes in 2020 now depends solely on the Electoral Court.

The Tribune has asked TSE to be included in the agenda, but there are no forecasts.

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Politics

Former Bolsonaro ministers criticize alliance with Centrão

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Minister Facin mentions "authoritarian populism" that threatens democracy

Former Education Ministers Abraham Weintraub and Foreign Minister Ernesto Araujo criticized President Jair Bolsonaro’s (PL) alliance with Centrao parliamentarians. Live this Monday, 17, former government aides noted that the head of the executive branch has moved away from the ideological premises for which he was elected. According to Weintraub, the president “replaced” the conservative wing of the federal executive with members of the political bloc.

Ernesto Araujo, who stepped down as minister in March 2021, said he lost power in government as the president began to move closer to Centrao. He said the bloc would begin to direct federal leadership in line with China’s interests, preventing it from pursuing what he called a “transformative” foreign policy project. “As Centrão began to dominate the government, I found myself increasingly isolated,” he said.

During his reign, Araujo was criticized for insulting and creating friction with the Asian country, one of Brazil’s main trading partners.

The former head of Itamaraty spoke about the culture of China, which he says Centrão is trying to perpetuate in Brazil. For him, the Asian country represents the opposite of the values ​​Bolsonaro advocates, such as religion. Araujo said he usually calls the Progressistas, which is an acronym for PP, “Peking Party”. Communications ministers Fabio Farias, Flavia Arruda of the Government Secretariat and Ciro Nogueira of the Civic Chamber will try to turn the country into a “Chinese colony,” he said.

“Centrão believes that foreign policy is to do whatever China wants,” he added.

Abraham Weintraub, in turn, said that the Progressive-led political bloc is an “obstacle” to Bolsonaro’s ideological agenda. The conservatives, he said, have come under constant attack since they were replaced by the Centrao Gang.

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Pastor Silas Malafaia of the Assembly of God of Vitoria em Cristo defended the president and said that Bolsonaro would not be ruled unless he succumbed to the bloc. The main interviewee of the live broadcast, Malafaya, quoted biblical passages to justify the actions of the president, who he said would face impeachment if he did not make alliances wisely.

as shown Stadao, Centrao’s support is not guaranteed to Bolsonaro in this year’s elections. The political bloc must oppose Bolsonaro’s candidates in at least five states. In São Paulo, Pernambuco, Piauí, Ceara and Maranhao, leaders and parliamentarians from parties such as the PL, Progressives and Republicans, the backbones of the federal government, are resisting the break with opponents of the Planalto Palace and are considering ways to keep seats in the PT or PT circles of the SDB.


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Right and left diverge on fiscal policy. Costa says he “got hit by everyone”

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Right and left diverge on fiscal policy.  Costa says he "got hit by everyone"

Sides right and left clashed over fiscal policy and the economic growth model in a nine-hour debate in which the PS general secretary and the prime minister complained that “everyone hit them.”

These were some of the topics of the debate broadcast live by RTP from the Cineeatro Capitólio in Lisbon on Monday evening with representatives of nine political forces that have elected deputies to previous legislatures: PS, PSD, BE, CDU (PCP/PEV). ), CDS-PP, PAN, Chega, Liberal and Free Initiative.

“After everyone beats me up, I have the right to defend myself,” said António Costa, after hearing criticism from right-wing parties that linked left-wing administration with an increase in the tax burden, as well as from BE and CDU. , who attributed the resistance to the policy of higher wages and pensions to the PS.

BE coordinator Katarina Martins stated that “PS itself wanted to cut pensions by 1,600 million euros” before the so-called “geringonça” was formed at the end of 2015.

In terms of fiscal policy, BE advocates lowering the VAT on electricity, lowering the IRS, and ending “wrongful tax credits and offshore transfers,” said Katarina Martins, challenging the idea of ​​a right that makes “the easier it is to live for those who have who has more income, the country will grow.”

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Bolsonaro Ignores Key Political Calculations in Soap Opera Server Reconfiguration – 01/17/2022 – Mercado

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Bolsonaro Ignores Key Political Calculations in Soap Opera Server Reconfiguration - 01/17/2022 - Mercado

Jair Bolsonaro was known for ignoring basic political calculations when making decisions. In opposing vaccination or organizing attacks on institutions, the President clung to the principles of loyalty and survival instincts, ignoring the damage he could inflict from the failure of these maneuvers.

The same logic leads to the mess that Bolsonaro got into when he promised to raise the salaries of only police officers in 2022. With little money in his pocket, the president has chosen to pander to an important (albeit limited) pillar of his political base at the cost of discontent that spills over into the wider federal civil service.

Several categories of civil servants have taken advantage of the government’s clumsy move to express dissatisfaction and demand a similar increase. With a shutdown forecast for Tuesday (18), these groups intend to wall up Bolsonaro and threaten to cause embarrassment in highly visible services such as the activities of the tax office in ports and airports.

It is too early to assess the possible damage that mobilization could cause to the government, which will depend on the cohesion of employees and the headache that the break could cause to the population. The actions, however, already show that Bolsonaro’s political impulses create more difficulties than direct benefits in an election year.

The president is running a deregulated balance sheet for this last leg of the term. With a modest portfolio of accomplishments and a tight budget, Bolsonaro prefers to invest his few financial and political resources into the loyalty of part of his base. The aim is to keep some chance in this year’s campaign, even if these moves are not enough to create a majority in the short term.

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There is deep symbolism in the promise made to the police. By prioritizing these categories, Bolsonaro intends to reiterate the idea that he values ​​law and order, an image he explored in the 2018 campaign. In addition, he is trying to lighten the weight of his apparent efforts to weaken the work of the federal police. .

Other possible motives are more obscure, though plausible. If Bolsonaro continues to insinuate that if he loses, he will challenge the election results, the goodwill of the security forces will be decisive.

The generosity of the federal government could also spur military police pressure on governors for such adjustments. Such a scenario could potentially create tensions within the states, which would strengthen the ties of these agents to the Bolsonaro.

The political choice of the president was obvious. Just two months ago, Bolsonaro announced that in 2022 he would increase the salary of “all federal employees without exception.” Everything changed in December. Due to the limited budget, the government realized that it could only give a residual increase for the entire civil service, or a more pronounced percentage for a certain segment.

The choice was up to the president, but there was a full operation to make the business viable. Minister Paulo Guedes (Economics) approved a reserve of 1.7 billion reais to increase the categories indicated by Bolsonaro, and the ruling base in Congress approved the proposal.

Now Bolsonaro could succumb to pressure and extend the exemption to other categories, but he would not have enough money for this. You can also go to increase the number of police officers by hiring opposition from other government employees. The red button would be to cancel the reorganization, but even then the president would not get rid of the awkwardness that he himself created. It will be difficult to come out of this episode unscathed.

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